Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 256

It was at this time that the Japanese government announced a referendum in the Primorsky Krai region at the end of January to determine its ownership. This news immediately sparked dissatisfaction in Chinese and Russian public opinion. Chinese public opinion naturally leaned towards the view that Japan had violated the previous trilateral agreement between China, Russia, and Japan, and believed that Japan's holding of the referendum at this time was suspected of forcibly occupying the Primorsky Krai region. The Russians were even more furious, believing that Japan had once again humiliated the Russian Empire.

Tsar Nicholas II's weakness in the Far East wars was once again brought up in Russian public opinion, forcing him to adopt a tougher stance on the Balkan issue. Although Stolypin suppressed the Russian Revolution that erupted after the Far East wars, his exploitation of Slavic nationalism ultimately made him a victim of extreme nationalism.

In 1914, the political climate in Russia was such that those who loved Russia more were considered traitors by the Social Democratic Party, who attempted to use class struggle to oppose nationalism. As a result, some Social Democrats had to first declare themselves patriots and then, under the premise of patriotism, put forward suggestions to improve the lives of the working class. However, since patriotism and nationalism took precedence, the working class that refused to work overtime for the country and the nation were obviously the sinners.

The Russian bourgeoisie and aristocrats completely disregarded the interests of the working class, declaring that everyone's current contributions were for the great Russian and Slavic nation, and that if the working class and peasants refused to work diligently, they were betraying their motherland and nation. This forced the Russian ruling class, which had been using war to intimidate the proletariat, to adopt a tough stance in its diplomacy, or else be seen as traitors who had sold out their country and nation.

The Japanese attempted to hold a referendum in the Primorsky Krai, and St. Petersburg was powerless to intervene. Therefore, they could only find compensation on the Balkan issue to attract the attention of the people. After all, the South Slavic people in the Balkans were part of the Greater Slavic people. If they were incorporated into the Russian Empire, it could make up for the empire's failure in the Far East.

The Russian ruling class's attempt to suppress domestic revolutionary sentiment through foreign war was not an isolated case; Britain, France, Germany, Austria-Hungary, and Italy all faced similar troubles, making the Balkan question a focal point of conflict among nationalist sentiments across Europe. Pro-Russian forces in the Kingdom of Serbia began to seek a war of unification, attempting to break the Austro-Hungarian blockade of Serbia's access to the Mediterranean—a hope shared by Russian Slavic nationalists.

Thus, tensions between the Kingdom of Serbia and Austria-Hungary began to escalate. Previously, Germany had been urging Austria-Hungary to exercise restraint, as German capital did not want to go to war with Britain, France, and Russia at that time. However, with the escalating conflict between China and the Entente Powers, the German military decided that forcing Russia to withdraw from the Entente first was not necessarily a bad thing. In the German military's view, if Britain, France, and China became entangled, Russia would not receive much support on the Balkan issue. A conflict between Austria-Hungary and Russia could force Russia to abandon its agreements with the Entente Powers, thus avoiding a joint German-Austrian attack.

The Austro-Hungarian military, which had long been impatient, naturally accepted the German military's suggestion and abandoned any attempt to negotiate with Serbia on the Bosnian issue, opting instead for military deterrence. Austria-Hungary began planning military exercises in Sarajevo to intimidate the Slavic nationalist resistance movement in Bosnia and Herzegovina.

On the Chinese side, after forcing the remnants of the First Army to surrender, Wuhan, facing Japan's attempt to hold a referendum in the coastal area, decided to make every effort to move north to take Beijing and southern Manchuria, first ensuring the integrity of the area outside the Great Wall, and then negotiating with the Japanese government.

At this very moment, Tianjin newspapers suddenly published a secret agreement between Yuan Shikai and the Japanese minister. According to this agreement, the Beiyang government not only planned to cede the area east of the Ussuri River to the Binhai District, which is the area between the Tumen River and the Chinese Eastern Railway, but also to mortgage the South Manchurian Railway, mineral resources and ports in South Manchuria to Japanese banks in order to obtain equipment for three divisions.

In other words, the Beiyang government effectively sold its control of southern Manchuria to the Japanese, retaining only the nominal sovereignty. The price was extremely low; of course, given that only the Japanese were making the offer, a low price was unavoidable.

After the secret agreement was revealed, the Beijing-Tianjin area was in an uproar, and the people in southern Manchuria were even more outraged by the Beiyang government. Feng Guozhang and Cao Kun both sent telegrams to Beijing to inquire about the authenticity of the secret agreement. Both of them said that if the secret agreement was real, then the Beiyang government would be better off surrendering to the Southern Army to save face, otherwise there would be no place for the Beiyang government in China in the future.

Yuan Shikai could neither deny nor dare to admit it, so he could only swear to his subordinates that he was absolutely not the kind of person who would betray his country, and that this was purely slander by unscrupulous reporters. However, the Japanese takeover of various assets in southern Manchuria was an undeniable fact, and Yuan Shikai's oath only further demoralized his subordinates, making them lose their will to fight.

It was actually the Americans who instructed reporters to publish the secret Sino-Japanese agreement. The Americans supported the Beiyang government under the guise of neutrality, but demanded fair trade opportunities in Manchuria. For the de facto world's leading industrial power, this "fair trade" was essentially unfair trade to an agricultural nation, given that the US built its wealth on high tariffs to protect its domestic industries, and even today, US tariffs remain higher than those in Europe.

The secret Sino-Japanese agreement damaged the interests of the great powers in Manchuria, especially those of American merchants. Therefore, after learning of the agreement's contents through students studying in the US, the Americans instructed it to be made public to undermine its implementation. After all, according to this agreement, at least in southern Manchuria, no other capital would have any influence. With the Japanese controlling the ports, railways, and mines of southern Manchuria, what benefits could the great powers possibly gain there?

The Japanese themselves were well aware of this, and faced with questions from Britain and France, the Japanese government vehemently denied the existence of the secret agreement, stating that it had no ambition to monopolize interests in Manchuria. However, Britain and France found it difficult to believe the Japanese government's statements. British and French diplomats in China had realized that regardless of whether Wuhan unified China or Japan defeated Wuhan and entered Manchuria, the balance of power among the great powers in East Asia would be disrupted.

With neither side able to intervene militarily in the East Asian situation, both China and Japan effectively possessed the capability to resist interference from the great powers. The French were the first to back down. Realizing that the China issue was becoming similar to the Balkans, and that diplomatic means could not be relied upon for coordination other than force, the French planned to abandon China and focus on protecting the security of French Indochina.

The French were still quite rational at this time, knowing that they simply could not spare any resources to compete with China, Japan, and other powers for China's interests in the Far East. Being able to protect their interests in parts of North Africa and the Middle East was already the limit of French power. The emergence of French Indochina was not a manifestation of French strength, but a manifestation of European peace and a reflection of the European order after the Crimean War.

With the confrontation between the Allied and Central Powers in place and the peaceful order in Europe no longer existing, French Indochina became a liability. France was unwilling to lose it, but was powerless to protect it.

The speed at which the French bowed to the Workers' Party truly surprised the party's leadership. Although their analysis suggested that the French would eventually have to bow to the Chinese people, it wouldn't be so quick, since the two sides hadn't actually fought a real battle yet. At least until the Red Army forcibly reclaimed a coastal concession, the French were unlikely to bow down.

However, the Workers' Party did not immediately respond to the French. As the Japanese government showed its greed for the coastal and Manchurian regions, the top leaders of the Workers' Party finally agreed with Hayashi Shin'ichi's view that the Japanese bourgeoisie and military warlords could not resist the need for the self-expansion of capitalism, so there had to be a direction for this force to be released in order to promote a revolution within Japan.

Japan's power could only be channeled through two routes: the mainland or the southern ocean. If Japanese imperialism was prevented from expanding southward, they would be preoccupied with conquering the mainland. Looking to the south, France was the weakest, and the territory it occupied was more fertile than the Philippines. Therefore, the best entry point to lure Japan southward was French Indochina.

The French were considered the weakest target because they lacked support in the East, the United States had its homeland, and the Dutch had Britain behind them. Therefore, the French were the most suitable target. Under these circumstances, the Labour Party naturally could not agree to the French terms for a peaceful resolution to the Saki massacre.

Although the British were in a better position than the French in Asia, their position was not significantly better. Britain's support for Japan was aimed at maintaining order in East Asia and preventing other powers from invading the Indian Ocean, not at allowing Japan to replace the European powers as the sole power in East Asia. Moreover, the rapid development of central China made the British feel that it was yet another copy of Germany's development.

The British initially fostered German capital in an attempt to maintain a regional power in Central Europe and prevent France and Russia from partitioning the continent. However, the rise of German capital actually jeopardized the balance of power in Europe. Now, the industrialization of central China is also causing concern among the British. If China completes its industrialization like Germany, Britain will completely lose control of East Asia and will be even less able to hold onto the Indian Ocean, the inland lake of the British Empire.

However, Japan, which Britain supported, did not become a loyal ally of Britain in the East as the British government had imagined. Instead, it became a new challenger to the British order in the East, which meant that Britain's withdrawal from East Asia was brought forward significantly.

End of this chapter

Chapter 800

After Yang Shixiang's death, local forces in the Northwest began to rise again, especially former Qing officials who were dissatisfied with the loss of power and colluded with the Western Army led by Ma Anliang. The construction of the Beijing-Hankou Railway, the Tongpu Railway, and the Longhai Railway allowed Wuhan forces to enter Shaanxi and southern Shanxi, making the Beiyang government unable to effectively control the Northwest.

Therefore, Yuan Shikai's attitude towards the local forces in the Northwest shifted from suppression to appeasement. Zhao Weixi, the former prefect of Ningxia during the Qing Dynasty, gradually gained control of Gansu Province and received Yuan Shikai's support. In this southern expedition plan, the Gansu Western Army and Chen Shufan's troops in northern Shaanxi originally intended to capture Xi'an and advance into Shanxi to open up transportation between the Northwest and North China.

It was precisely under the dual attack of the Beiyang Army and the Western Army that the Northern Front Army of the Red Army did not act rashly, and its primary objective was to protect the security of the railway line. In October 1910, the railway from Luoyang to Xi'an and from Xi'an to Taiyuan opened to traffic, which meant that there were two routes from Wuhan to Taiyuan: one was through Hebei to enter Taiyuan in Shanxi, and the other was through Shaanxi to enter Shanxi.

The completion of these two railways marked the beginning of Wuhan's comprehensive control over Shanxi and its takeover of the Guanzhong region. The Beiyang government was utterly powerless against this industrialization. The Beijing-Zhangjiakou Railway, painstakingly built by Yuan Shikai, began surveying in 1905 but was interrupted by the war, finally being completed in 1913 with its mere hundred-plus kilometers of track—far inferior to Wuhan's railway construction capabilities.

The reason why the construction of the Beijing-Zhangjiakou Railway was so difficult was that, at Wuhan's insistence, the Fengsha Line, which had the greatest construction difficulty, was chosen. This line required a large number of tunnels and bridges, making it the most expensive and the most difficult to construct. However, the Fengsha Line had the advantage of shortening the distance and increasing the train's carrying capacity.

This railway allowed coal from Datong and iron ore from Zhangjiakou to be transported to Beijing for smelting, which gave the Beiyang government the confidence to build the Jingshan Iron and Steel Plant. This demonstrates that in this era, railway lines effectively determined a region's economic development and military layout.

Because Wuhan could be connected to the Northern Front Army in Xi'an and Shanxi, and the railway from Datong to Kulun was completed in 1913, with the railway from Kulun to Verkhovna Rada nearing completion, the railway lines in Shanxi and Inner Mongolia not only maintained the Red Army's presence in the north but could also provide support to the Red Army in northern Manchuria and Outer Northeast China via the Trans-Siberian Railway. Therefore, this railway line became the Red Army's lifeline in the north, making it a matter of great importance to Wuhan.

However, after the successive defeats of the Third Army, the First Army, and the Second Army, the Gansu Western Army and Chen Shufan's Shaanxi troops, who had originally supported the Beiyang Army, realized that the political landscape had undergone tremendous changes. If they continued to support the Beiyang Army in attacking the railway lines controlled by the Red Army, then it would be time to settle scores with them after the Red Army took Beijing.

The westernmost stronghold of the Red Army in the Guanzhong Plain was Baoji, which is also the westernmost point of the Longhai Railway that has been completed. The Western Army had always wanted to take Baoji in order to open up the passage to Guanzhong. However, the Western Army was based on the Hui people's military force, and the people of Shaanxi were unwilling to let the Western Army enter the Guanzhong Plain. Therefore, with the support of the people of Guanzhong, the Red Army held on to Baoji. Meanwhile, Chen Shufan's troops were determined to take Xi'an, but they never broke through the Weinan line.

When the Beiyang Army realized that its southern expedition plan had failed, the Western Army began to retreat to Gansu. However, Chen Shufan had no way out. He knew very well that retreating to northern Shaanxi would be a dead end, because northern Shaanxi had no economic foundation to resist the Red Army's counterattack. Even the Beiyang Army could not withstand the Red Army's offensive, so how could he rely on the barren northern Shaanxi to fight against the Red Army?

At the end of December, Chen Shufan's troops made direct contact with the Red Army in Xi'an, expressing their willingness to surrender and accept the leadership of Wuhan. The retreat of the Western Army and the surrender of Chen Shufan's troops finally freed up the Northern Front Army to begin a counterattack against the Beiyang Army along the Shijiazhuang-Taiyuan Railway. Under the pincer attack of the Red Army's Central Plains Front Army and Northern Front Army, Cao Kun's troops were defeated once again, retreating to Baoding and deploying defenses along the Daqing River.

Although Baoding has a superior geographical location, situated at the junction of the Taihang Mountains and the Hebei Plain, with the Daqing River system serving as an obstacle, this terrain is good for hindering nomadic tribes, but far less effective at resisting artillery and machine guns. Moreover, although Cao Kun had been operating in Baoding for quite some time, Beijing had run out of resources to supply him. In other words, Cao Kun was essentially isolated and could only rely on his own efforts to repel the Red Army in order to survive.

If the southward campaign had not failed, Cao Kun could have held out a little longer. However, after his troops were driven back, most of his core forces were lost, and it was entirely uncertain how many of his collateral troops would be willing to obey orders.

This retreat from Handan was caused by the fact that various units withdrew on their own under the attack of the Red Army, leading to the collapse of the battle line. Originally more than 70,000 troops, less than 40,000 were left by the time they reached Baoding. Apart from those captured by the Red Army, many soldiers actually deserted. After all, they were from Hebei, and it was normal for them to take off their uniforms and go home after seeing the army's defeat.

On February 15, 2, Cao Kun submitted his resignation to Beijing, stating that he lacked the ability to withstand the Southern Army's attack and hoped that Yuan Shikai would send troops to support him, in which case he was willing to step down and yield his position. If Beijing did not send troops, he could not guarantee that Baoding would still be in the hands of the Beiyang Army when the Southern Army attacked again.

Cao Kun's telegram informed Yuan Shikai that the Beiyang Army was no longer able to continue fighting. Even if the Japanese intervened in the war, it would have little to do with the Beiyang Army, as it was bound to collapse before then. Yuan Shikai could only send Zhao Bingjun and Lu Jianzhang with the last mobile force to Baoding to stabilize the situation, and instructed Zhao Bingjun to contact the Wuhan authorities to negotiate the conditions proposed by Wuhan.

The situation turned out to be worse than Yuan Shikai had anticipated. Upon hearing that Cao Kun had retreated to Baoding, Feng Guozhang and Jin Yunpeng, the commander of the Fifth Division, immediately proposed a ceasefire and peace negotiations to the Red Army generals on the other side. The Beiyang clique began to collapse from within.

Zhao Bingjun had just made contact with Wuhan and was trying to secure some political benefits for the Beiyang clique. Song Jiaoren, the representative in Wuhan, had already informed him that the Second Army led by Feng Guozhang and the Fifth Division led by Jin Yunpeng had accepted the Red Army's conditions, surrendered their troops, and announced their resignation. The Red Army had begun its march towards Jinan. The foundation of the Beiyang clique as a political group no longer existed. Yuan Shikai could only think of himself and could no longer propose any treatment for the Beiyang clique.

After Zhao Bingjun confirmed with Beijing that the Beiyang Army in Shandong had lost contact, he finally abandoned his plan to preserve the political interests of the Beiyang group. He secured a political pardon and the preservation of Yuan Shikai's personal property, and hurriedly returned to Beijing.

Although Yuan Shikai could not accept the conditions brought back by Zhao Bingjun, Zhao Bingjun persuaded him with a single sentence: "The Marshal has already lost all his capital. Even if the foreign powers are willing to support the Marshal and defeat the Southern Army, the Marshal still cannot hold onto this position. In the end, he will only bear the infamy of a traitor. If you announce your resignation now, at least you can receive the treatment of the Qing Emperor's abdication and will not have to bear the responsibility for the unequal treaties signed by the Beiyang clique. It's hard to say what will happen when the Southern Army falls to the gates of Beijing."

Yuan Shikai found himself unable to refute Zhao Bingjun, as he could no longer mobilize the Beiyang Army in southern Manchuria. Those Beiyang generals were currently planning to establish their own independent strongholds outside the Great Wall to observe the situation, clearly unwilling to perish alongside the Beiyang clique. Yuan Shikai accepted the conditions brought back by Zhao Bingjun, but did not immediately announce them to the Beiyang generals. He ordered Cao Kun to bring a reliable force directly to Beijing to take over the city's defenses before summoning the Beiyang generals to announce his decision to step down, in order to restore peace to the country.

Duan Qirui was shocked by Yuan Shikai's resignation notice. At Xu Shuzheng's urging, he intended to suggest to Yuan Shikai that he move to Manchuria and wait for the Japanese army to intervene. However, since Yuan Shikai had already made his decision, he accepted it.

Duan Qirui later told Xiao Xu: "The Japanese never had good intentions in interfering in our civil war. I just felt that I couldn't let down the Marshal and had to find a way to maintain the situation in Beiyang, so I had no choice but to contact the Japanese. But since the Marshal no longer wants to continue, why should I pretend to be friendly with the Japanese? I can't really become a traitor."

Xu Shuzheng was naturally unwilling to accept this situation. He had devoted all his energy to the Beiyang Army, and arguably helped Duan Qirui climb to the top of the Beiyang Army. But now that the Beiyang Army was finished, hadn't he been working for nothing? However, Xu Shuzheng himself knew that the reason the Japanese valued him was actually because they valued Duan Qirui behind him. After all, Xu was a latecomer to the Beiyang Army and had no real influence. Only Duan Qirui could still rally the Beiyang Army to continue fighting in Manchuria.

Wuhan was willing to resolve the issue with Beiyang through negotiation because the referendum initiated by Japan in the coastal area had sparked discontent among local residents. After the coastal area was declared a jointly administered region by China, Japan, and Russia, the largest influx of foreign residents actually came from Korea, followed by China and Russia, and lastly, Japan.

Why were Koreans the largest immigrant group? Although Japan didn't formally annex Korea, its colonization companies on the Korean Peninsula seized vast amounts of land, forcing many Korean farmers to migrate to the north, China, and coastal regions. In contrast, Chinese immigrants primarily engaged in land reclamation and mining in Manchuria, while St. Petersburg, due to its association with the Chita Republic, was reluctant to send many people to the Far East. Many Russian immigrants came voluntarily from Central Siberia and Central Asia, resulting in a smaller overall scale of immigration.

Although Japan controls Vladivostok and the Ussuri River railway, Japanese farmers are not adapted to the climate of the coastal region at all. In fact, the climate that Japanese farmers are used to growing crops is similar to that of the Yangtze River basin. The coastal area is roughly the same as Hokkaido. However, Japan's development of Hokkaido has always been relatively backward.

Therefore, although the Japanese army encouraged its farmers to migrate to coastal areas and Sakhalin Island, many farmers actually fled back to the mainland after arriving because they could not live and work in that climate. As a result, most of the immigrants to the coastal areas were actually merchants. Although they supported the Japanese army's occupation of the coastal areas, their main goal was to monopolize local commerce, rather than having any real interest in developing local resources.

The referendum, initiated by the Japanese government, quickly ran into problems. Although the Japanese had tried their best to cheat, the majority of votes were against incorporating the coastal area into Japan. In particular, the army had taken over the area between the Tumen River and the Chinese Eastern Railway, which was originally assigned to China, from the Beiyang Army, and then included the population of this area in the referendum. Naturally, the residents of this area advocated for its incorporation into China, even though the area had a large number of Korean immigrants.

After discovering a problem with the vote count, the Japanese simply stopped counting and announced the results directly, stating that the referendum result was that the residents of the coastal area agreed to join the Empire of Japan. This sparked discontent among the local residents and the Red Army stationed in Manchuria. However, since the war in mainland China was still undecided, the Red Army remained rational and negotiated with the Japanese.

As the rule of the Beiyang clique came to an end, the Red Army ceased negotiations regarding the referendum results in the Primorsky Krai region, instead declaring them illegal. The Republic of Chita issued a similar announcement, expressing outrage at the Japanese military and police's expulsion of Russian merchants in Khabarovsk and Vladivostok. On February 17, 1915, Wuhan and Chita issued a joint statement declaring that the Japanese military presence and representatives in the Primorsky Krai region violated the tripartite agreement, and therefore they would support the local residents in expelling the Japanese personnel from Primorsky Krai and restoring the region's autonomy.

On February 18, Yuan Shikai announced his resignation and ordered all Beiyang troops to refrain from unauthorized actions and await orders from the new government. He also proposed that the Workers' Party form a new government to restore domestic peace. The Wuhan authorities acknowledged Yuan Shikai's announcement and declared a ceasefire at midnight on February 18. Any continued firing at the Red Army after midnight would be considered an act of rebellion.

On February 19, Sun Yat-sen sent a telegram calling for the reconstruction of the National Assembly, which would decide on the formation of the new government. However, some members of society argued that the old parliamentary system could not solve the warlord problem and that a more powerful central government should be established to avoid the outbreak of such internal wars. They criticized the local forces in Guangxi and Gansu, arguing that these forces were not even supporters of the republican system, but rather were controlled by former Qing dynasty officials. How could they continue to hold local military and political power?

In short, with Yuan Shikai's resignation, the Chinese Civil War came to an end, which led to an escalation of tensions between China and the Western powers. Disputes arose between China and Japan over coastal areas, southern Manchuria, and North Korea; between China and Britain and China and France over concessions, extraterritoriality, and tariffs; and, most importantly, the status of Shanghai.

British and French diplomats told Wuhan that other issues could be discussed, but Shanghai was an exception; in other words, Shanghai's status was not open to discussion. While Wuhan took the British and French threats seriously, it focused its attention on the Sino-Japanese diplomatic issue. Tian Junyi believed that Lin Xinyi was right: if the contradictions between China and Japan could be resolved, then the unequal treaties between China and the European powers would lose their material basis, as these unequal treaties were in fact built on the contradictions between China and Japan.

Tian Junyi stated to the party: "Either we reach a peaceful coexistence agreement with the Japanese government, or we must first defeat the imperialists within Japan; otherwise, we will not have the resources to resolve diplomatic issues with other powers."

As a result, the Workers' Party's stance on the Sino-Japanese dispute did not ease as it was about to come to power; on the contrary, it became even more hardline, seemingly willing to use war to bring the Sino-Japanese dispute closer.

The Workers' Party's attitude intensified the political struggle within Japan, with the army increasingly leaning towards war while the navy remained steadfast in its opposition. Yamamoto Gonnohyōe openly stated to reporters: "While it is difficult to distinguish right from wrong in the dispute between China and Japan, it is a fact that the army's series of actions have worsened Sino-Japanese relations."

The army is not trying to resolve the dispute between China and Japan, but rather to expand the conflict to achieve its own continental expansionism. This is gambling with the empire; if it loses, over 40 years of Meiji Restoration achievements will be destroyed. The navy absolutely does not agree with the reasons for war between Japan and China; it is not in Japan's interest.

Yamamoto Gonnohyōe's speech garnered support from intellectuals, the working class, and some industrialists and businessmen. Less than seven years had passed since the end of the Russo-Japanese War, and the Japanese still vividly remembered the massive casualties suffered there—a completely different style of warfare from the Sino-Japanese War. To wage war against the Chinese on the mainland meant another total war primarily fought on land. The Chinese performance against Russia far surpassed their performance in the Sino-Japanese War. Moreover, the overwhelming victories of the Southern Army against the Beiyang Army in this Chinese civil war made it difficult for the Japanese to believe the army's boast that the Chinese were weak and no match for the Imperial Army.

Last time, the army declared that the Russian army was invincible, and if it weren't for logistical problems with the Russian army, the army itself would have nearly collapsed. Those conscripted reservists had experienced real warfare, not the wars depicted in army propaganda posters where there were only victories and no deaths. Moreover, Emperor Meiji had passed away; who would lead the army in battle? Emperor Taisho? Nobody thought that emperor was capable of being a commander-in-chief.

The government leadership was even more opposed to war, because the debts from the Russo-Japanese War had not yet been repaid, and starting a war now would be tantamount to sending the government to suicide. Moreover, did the army truly want war? Officials believed the army only wanted to increase military spending.

End of this chapter

Chapter 801

At the end of February 1915, Lin Xinyi, who was hiding in Qingdao, finally received a telegram from China that he had been waiting for. He then invited Hori Teikichi to his home.

Hori Teikichi soon arrived with gifts. In the past few years in Qingdao, he had finally relaxed a bit. Back in China, he couldn't have imagined that his interest in enjoying life would surpass his interest in war.

However, in Qingdao, the Allied Fleet separated the lives of military personnel from those of civilians, allowing fleet members some private leisure time. In Japan, however, a soldier wanting a personal life would clearly be considered unprofessional. The Japanese people's strong belief in their professions dictates that individuals must dedicate themselves fully to their work at all times to be considered qualified craftsmen.

This spirit of craftsmanship was actually a reflection on the decadence of the samurai class during the shogunate period. The people believed that the reason why the shogunate could not expel foreigners was because the samurai class was corrupt and indulged in pleasure, which led to the opening of the country's doors to foreign powers and the signing of unequal treaties. Therefore, after the establishment of the Meiji government, the spirit of craftsmanship began to be promoted.

The Bushido spirit promoted in the military was actually quite different from the Bushido of the pre-Edo period. The Bushido of the Meiji era was a transformed spirit of craftsmanship. The difference between the two was that Bushido required one to dedicate oneself entirely to one's lord, while the spirit of craftsmanship required one to dedicate oneself entirely to one's profession. The original Bushido strongly condemned gekokujo (overthrowing one's superior), and samurai who betrayed their lords during the Sengoku period were despised. Craftsmen, on the other hand, advocated not being loyal to anyone and believed that it was right to reach the pinnacle of one's craft. Therefore, craftsmen encouraged gekokujo.

The craftsmanship spirit was transformed and was admired by the army and the people because the Meiji government was established by a group of samurai who overthrew their superiors. Capitalism itself opposes social hierarchy and ethics of loyalty and filial piety. Only under free trade can capital flow safely, which is a necessary condition for the self-expansion of capital.

During the Russo-Japanese War, the Japanese military leadership realized that soldiers thinking too much might be detrimental to the war of aggression. Loyalty to the Emperor alone was clearly not enough to make these soldiers charge mindlessly on the battlefield. Therefore, the Bushido spirit of self-sacrifice was promoted in full force, with the aim of making Japanese soldiers forget right and wrong and simply dedicate themselves to the army.

During the Russo-Japanese War, there were quite a few Japanese who opposed the war. However, during the invasion of China, almost the entire nation of Japan supported the war. Even though the war did not benefit the middle class, they did not oppose it. This was the result of the widespread adoption of the craftsman spirit in Japan. The Japanese believed that it was their duty to dedicate themselves to the country, so they could not oppose the country's unjust war.

Living in a society permeated with the spirit of craftsmanship is a terrifying experience. This is because such a society not only values ​​individual dedication to their profession but also rejects those who refuse to contribute, deeming them unworthy of being citizens. In a society like Japan, where personal connections are paramount, being considered uncivilized is tantamount to social death.

As a naval officer, Hori Teikichi belonged to the elite class in the eyes of the Japanese. It is right for such people to enjoy more social resources, but at the same time, they should also always associate themselves with war. If a naval officer does not discuss fighting the Americans or Germans, but instead discusses with his family where to go on vacation, can the people entrust the security of the country to such a person?

However, this oppressive social atmosphere disappears within the Allied Fleet. The purpose of the alliance is to establish a security order in Asia, so war is not the top priority. The Allied Fleet is mainly stationed overseas. In order to achieve the goals of the alliance, the military and civilian relations are emphasized for the soldiers of the Allied Fleet, and a clear distinction is made between public and private affairs, similar to a civil service system.

This allowed the officers in the Allied Fleet to relax. When the Allied Fleet was first established, the Japanese naval officers transferred to it were still thinking about war all day long. Now, most naval officers are used to resolving conflicts within the order established by the alliance and regard the fleet's mission as maintaining order rather than starting war.

Aside from a few officers and men who struggled to adapt to the Allied Fleet's atmosphere, most accepted its style. Hori Teikichi was one such officer who did. Hori acknowledged that the complaints of Takano and others might be valid—the Allied Fleet's relaxed atmosphere would likely lead to heavy losses in war—but he also believed that this atmosphere wasn't entirely bad. It was precisely under this atmosphere that the soldiers from various countries within the Allied Fleet could get along harmoniously, something that was unlikely at the beginning.

Ultimately, the formation of the alliance was merely a political necessity. However, for nationalists in various countries, the alliance was essentially an illusion, as it could not address the interests demanded by nationalists in each nation. For example, the Japanese considered Korea to be part of Japan, while Koreans felt they were independent. Russians and Chinese supported Korea and opposed Japan's annexation of it. As for the Germans, they wanted to use the alliance to their advantage in conflict with Britain and France.

However, as the alliance adopted security and order as its political goal, conflicts between nationalists in various countries actually decreased. Although the nationalists' positions did not change, they also acknowledged that the alliance's view was correct. Resolving conflicts within an order was at least better than armed confrontation, since soldiers were on the front lines of the conflict.

Of course, the cultivation of this atmosphere within the Allied Fleet was mainly due to Captain Hayashi Nobuyoshi. This deputy chief of staff of the Allied Fleet, during his time in Qingdao, practiced a life of leisure, which undermined the war consciousness of most Japanese officers. While Takano Isoroku disliked the leisurely style of the Allied Fleet, he was unwilling to directly criticize Captain Hayashi Nobuyoshi, who had shaped this atmosphere.

The young officers in the navy all knew that although Captain Hayashi Shin-yi had cultivated a relaxed style in the Allied Fleet, he was not a second-generation rich kid. He did not get to his current position through personal connections. Unlike those passionate officers who planned wars on maps, Captain Hayashi had personally participated in several wars that changed the geopolitics of Asia since he graduated from the NCO school. Trying to discuss the necessity of war with such a person was obviously a waste of time.

For example, in the Bali incident, Takano and others only realized the danger after the incident broke out and began to challenge the interests of Britain and the Netherlands in Southeast Asia. However, the Bali incident itself was the result of Lin Xinyi's planning, and he also successfully used the power of the newly established Asian Alliance to force Britain and the Netherlands to make concessions in the Bali incident.

Therefore, Takano believed that even if Lin Xinyi was leisurely vacationing in Qingdao, he was definitely plotting something, but no one could guess his thoughts. Hori Teikichi also felt that Takano's view was correct. Unlike those in the navy who only looked at the present, Lin Xinyi seemed to never focus on the present, but rather on the future.

Those who believe that Lin Xinyi has given up his ambition in Qingdao and is content with his own comfortable life will probably only realize the truth when they themselves fall into the trap Lin Xinyi set. Therefore, Hori Teikichi completely obeyed Lin Xinyi's wishes, enjoyed his personal life in Qingdao, and thus established a good personal relationship with Lin Xinyi.

Mrs. Mu was also familiar with Hori Teikichi's frequent visits. Upon seeing him arrive, she asked her eldest son to take him to Hayashi Shin-yi's study, indicating that she would prepare dinner for them. Hayashi Shin-yi was taking care of his youngest daughter in the study. After seeing Hori Teikichi arrive, he asked the nanny to take his daughter and son out.

After inviting Hori Teikichi to sit down, Hayashi Shinji got straight to the point and said to him, "Minister Kawahara sent me a telegram asking me to return to Japan as soon as possible. I hope you can take over the work of the Allied Fleet."

Hori Teikichi initially thought this was a normal handover of duties, since Lin Xinyi would be taking over his responsibilities when he left Qingdao. However, seeing Lin Xinyi's serious expression, he was still somewhat surprised and asked, "Are you not coming back to Qingdao this time after returning to Japan?"

After thinking for a moment, Lin Xinyi said, "As you know, Elder Ito was also hospitalized on New Year's Day. It seems that both the Army's Lord Katsura and the Navy's Lord Ito are about to leave this world. As a result, only Lord Yamamoto can speak for the Navy in the Elder Council, while the Army at least has Yamagata and Oyama still around, Ito and Inoue are the balancers, and Lord Matsukata has always been the one who considers the big picture. Therefore, once Lord Yamamoto loses his prestige, the Navy will lose its voice in the Elder Council, and the balance between the Army and Navy in the Elder Council will be broken."

Hori Teikichi was even more shocked. He quickly asked, "The army is going to attack Lord Yamamoto? Do they want to start a war with the navy?"

Lin Xinyi nodded and said, "From the Army's perspective, it seems as if His Excellency Yamamoto started the war against His Excellency Katsura and the Army, so they will call their actions a counterattack. As you know, the Katsura Cabinet is facing trouble in both domestic and foreign affairs. If he were to step down like this, the Army's reputation would be severely damaged, and there would be no chance of forming a cabinet for at least several years. The Army probably cannot accept this outcome."

After a moment of silence, Hori Teikichi asked, "What can the army use to attack Lord Yamamoto? The army can't just easily smear a veteran, can it? If they did that, wouldn't the world be in chaos?"

Lin Xinyi said, "The army is not just making a smear campaign. There are many shady dealings in the Navy's 66 Fleet plan and its foreign warship purchase contracts. The British and Germans have bribed the Navy's high-ranking officials. Once this is exposed, Lord Yamamoto and Lord Saito will not be able to defend themselves. They are the planners and implementers of the 66 Fleet plan, and no one else can defend them."

Although Hori Teikichi also couldn't tolerate the corruption among the navy's high-ranking officials, he knew that such corruption had become the norm. Even if Kawahara wanted to secure his position as minister, he still had to give those high-ranking officials benefits. He could only shake his head and smile bitterly, saying, "The army's attack was excessive, but it can't be said to be entirely unreasonable. However, isn't it too selfish to attack Yamamoto-sama at this time to relieve the army's predicament?"

Lin Xinyi also agreed, saying, "If it's just about investigating corruption in the navy, I have nothing to say. But the army's actions are using the navy's corruption as a weapon to prevent the collapse of the army cabinet. If the army doesn't step down, the country will be plunged into war with China, which will completely destroy the navy's national policy. I cannot accept the army's approach."

Hori Teikichi also agreed with Hayashi Shin'ichi, and said, "I'm afraid there aren't many innocent people in the army, or we can use the army's corruption to stop the army from attacking Lord Yamamoto."

Lin Xinyi shook his head and said, "The army doesn't engage in corruption through arms plans; their corrupt practices are more covert and harder to trace. But the navy's 66 Fleet plan is too obvious. As long as the British and Germans release the evidence of bribery, Yamamoto, Saito, and a large number of other high-ranking naval officers will be finished."

Hori Teikichi was dumbfounded, and after a long while, he said, "Why are the British and Germans cooperating with the army? Are they no longer going to cooperate with the navy?"

Lin Xinyi explained, “An employee of Siemens’ Japan office took the bribery documents back to Japan. Siemens does not want to be blackmailed by them, so they have already sued the employee in Japan. As long as these documents are published and reported to the public in Japan, not only will Yamamoto and Saito’s image be ruined, but the Navy’s image in the public’s eyes will also be destroyed. Minister Kawahara asked me to go back to discuss how to deal with this matter.”

After a moment of silence, Hori Teikichi asked, "So, how do you plan to deal with this scandal?"

Lin Xinyi did not answer directly, but said to him, "I called you here to tell you some things. One is to prohibit Japanese officers and soldiers in the Allied Fleet from making any statements on domestic political issues. No matter who is involved, the Allied Fleet must remain neutral in domestic political struggles. Only in this way will we have a chance to clean up the mess at home in the future."

Hori Teikichi was surprised but quickly calmed down and said, "If that's the case, you shouldn't have gone back to Japan. Wouldn't it have been more appropriate for you to go back and clean up the mess after the turmoil in Japan has subsided? I don't think anyone else could be more suitable than you to clean up the mess."

Lin Xinyi said, "When I say 'cleaning up the mess,' I mean that the navy suffered a complete defeat in this turmoil, which is why you were able to return home in the name of the Allied Fleet to rebuild the situation. In other words, even if the navy is finished in this struggle, at least it won't be the navy that is finished, but the army should be finished as well. No one else in the navy can do that. Therefore, only I can go back."

Hori Teikichi asked in surprise, "To perish together with the army? What are you going to do?"

Lin Xinyi shook his head and said, "Some plans cannot be revealed in advance; you only need to understand this. Furthermore, I do not believe that Japan can succeed by following the path of imperialism. Therefore, the alliance is Japan's future, and this is my advice to you. If you cannot defend the alliance, then Japan will find no way out."

People like Takano always think that subjective belief can overcome steel; I think they're almost on par with the army. The army's approach might have worked in the 18th century, but in modern times it's digging their own grave. So never try to emulate the army's territorial expansionism. The navy's value is in maintaining order; without order, there's no need for a navy. After all, the army is enough to disrupt order; the navy is too wasteful of money…”

Hori Teikichi and Hayashi Shin-yi talked until midnight before saying goodbye and leaving. He looked preoccupied when he left, and even Muko noticed his nervousness. So she couldn't help but ask her husband if there was any danger in returning to the country this time.

Lin Xinyi hugged her and comforted her, saying, "Generally speaking, I'm the one who brings danger to others. Hori Teikichi is just like that. You just need to take good care of the house in Qingdao."

Mu Zi thought for a moment and said, "I haven't been back to China for a long time either. Why don't we leave the child here and go back to China with you to visit relatives?"

Lin Xinyi laughed and said, "You think you can leave them here? Don't talk nonsense. Besides, Tokyo is so windy, it can't compare to the climate in Qingdao. I can only do my job in peace if you stay in Qingdao..."

On March 1, 1915, Lin Xinyi boarded the destroyer Asagiri and returned to Tokyo. On the same day, Qin Lishan, representing the Wuhan Workers' Party, entered Beijing and took over the State Council. Yuan Shikai and other high-ranking Beiyang officials relinquished power and then left Beijing for Tianjin. In this respect, it was quite in line with the rules of the late Qing Dynasty, where Han Chinese officials who resigned had to immediately leave Beijing and return to their hometowns to show that they had no attachment to power.

However, for people from all walks of life, this move signified the end of the civil war and a peaceful transfer of power in the central government, meaning that at least Wuhan no longer needed to continue the war. The Beiyang generals in southern Manchuria telegraphed their allegiance to the new government in Beijing and withdrew their troops to their garrisons, finally freeing up the Red Army in northern Manchuria to deal with the Japanese forces in the coastal areas.

Previously, under the pressure of being attacked from both sides, the Red Army in northern Manchuria had to give up control of the coastal area and concentrate its forces at Suifenhe and Tumen. Tumen was the terminus of the Changtu Railway, and the Japanese army found it difficult to cross the dense forest to attack towns supported by the railway. However, the Red Army has now begun to regain control of the coastal area and has launched attack operations against the Japanese army in the name of the Self-Defense Force.