Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 152

Togo leaned out the window and yelled at the driver to change direction. Soon the carriage turned onto the street leading to Shinbashi and disappeared into the night. The next day, Togo Masamichi, his eyes bloodshot, carrying a briefcase, knocked on Kawahara's office. Kawahara glanced behind Togo, finding no one there, and said with some displeasure, "Where's Hayashi Shin'ichi? Didn't you go to Madam Ichira's house yesterday? Didn't you find him?"

Togo closed the door, then opened his briefcase and placed a stack of documents on the table in front of Kawahara, saying, "I've brought him back, but I think you should take a look at an investigation report first before deciding whether to have him come over to report directly. The Ministry of Finance is also in the building. If he knows that Hayashi Shin-yi is back, Yamamoto Kaisō will know too. I think it's best not to let Yamamoto and Shin-yi meet right now."

Seeing Togo's serious demeanor, Kawahara finally sat up straight and took the investigation report. However, he placed his hand on the report without immediately opening it, and instead looked up at Togo, asking, "You read it last night? What did it say?"

After thinking for a while, Togo said, "The gist of it is that the formation of Asian nationalism is irreversible, and the colonial system established by Europe since the Age of Exploration can no longer continue. In the next one or two generations, no more than three generations, the old European global colonial system will collapse, and the self-liberation of Asian nations will be marked by the self-liberation of China and India. Britain and France, which are based on the old colonial system, will lose their current international status and retreat from global powers to regional powers. Shinji cited a lot of empirical evidence in his investigation report on the establishment of the Wuhan Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee and the Indian People's Committee to prove his point of view. I think there is nothing to refute."

After listening to Togo's brief introduction, Kawahara lowered his head and opened the report to read it. It was a handwritten manuscript, probably over fifty pages long, with roughly 30,000 words. Kawahara spent a full hour and a half reading it before turning to the last page. He said with some lingering interest, "A very meticulous investigation report. I haven't seen such a substantial report in a long time. But why do I feel like this report isn't finished?"

Kawahara was unaware that this report was actually excerpted by Lin Xinyi from his article on the situation of Asian revolutions and the development direction of national liberation movements, retaining only about one-third of the content. This was the content of Lin Xinyi's report, which he had compiled and organized on the ship returning from India, and then presented at the Central Committee meeting of the Workers' Party in Wuhan. The latter part discussed how to guide the Asian revolution and the self-liberation movements of various nations, and therefore could not be appended.

Togo nodded in agreement, saying, "Yes, Shinji said his report is indeed not finished, but he hasn't considered the later parts thoroughly enough. If he writes it down and lets outsiders see it, it might cause unnecessary controversy. So he wants to see everyone's opinion on the report first, and then release the later parts for discussion."

Kawahara remained silent for a few seconds before asking, "So how did he consider the later parts?"

Togo subconsciously looked back to see if the door was closed properly before turning to Kawahara and saying, "According to this report, it can be determined that the army's attempt to replicate the British Empire's continental policy of conquering India is doomed to failure. Therefore, the navy must distance itself from the army to avoid being dragged down by it."

Next, the development path of the navy should be comprehensively planned. It can no longer be about simply building ships; rather, we need to clarify the purpose of shipbuilding. Once this path is established, we need to guard against sabotage by the army while also urging the government to follow our established path. This requires a high degree of consensus within the navy, and those who cannot understand the new path should be ruthlessly removed from the navy.

Kawahara finally understood why Lin Xinyi hadn't written down the rest of the content. These weren't things a young soldier should be considering; they were issues for the navy's leaders to ponder. No wonder Togo believed that Yamamoto shouldn't know Lin Xinyi had returned before they reached a conclusion. Yamamoto could use this information as well; in fact, Yamamoto was more qualified to implement the new policy.

Kawahara stared at the report in front of him for a long time before looking up at Togo and asking, "Where did you place him?"

Togo replied, "I had him write down a detailed account of his experience at the villa in Hamada, Furukawabashi. It will then be archived as a confidential document, so that this missing period of time can be recorded in the file and won't become a blank."

Kawahara nodded. A complete resume was still necessary. Although they knew what Lin Xinyi had done during this period, personnel at lower levels could not know. They could only see that Lin Xinyi had disappeared for nearly three years after graduation, which was not good for Lin Xinyi's promotion evaluation. They couldn't always have to come forward to explain, which would be too irregular.

Kawahara stood up, put away the report, and said, "Let's go to Furukawa Bridge. I want to hear his thoughts in person, and then I'll go see Elder Ito. The Navy's new direction can't succeed without Elder Ito's support..."

When Kawahara and Togo came downstairs, the director of the Second Bureau, Tsaibe Hideaki, was holding a stack of documents and asking Togo to sign them. Togo gave a few perfunctory replies and told Tsaibe Hideaki to put the documents on his desk, saying he would sign them when he returned. Seeing the Chief of Staff and the Vice Minister leaving together in such a hurry, Tsaibe Hideaki couldn't help but become suspicious.

Togo's wariness of Takabe was justified. Although there was nothing wrong with Takabe being transferred to the Naval General Staff, he had indeed received instructions from his father-in-law to keep an eye on Kawahara and Togo, preventing them from plotting anything behind the scenes. Although Yamamoto Gonnohyōe knew that the culprit who had caused him several setbacks was actually Hayashi Shin'yō, he didn't name names in front of his son-in-law, Takabe Hō, because he couldn't bear the embarrassment. The difference in their ranks was too great, so Takabe naturally focused his attention on Togo and Kawahara.

Zaibu began inquiring about what Kawahara and Togo had been up to lately, but he didn't notice that a certain troublesome young officer had returned to Japan. That evening, Zaibu mentioned Kawahara and Togo's strange behavior that morning to his father-in-law, who had some free time. Yamamoto felt a sudden sense of unease, but he couldn't figure out the reason for it, so he told Zaibu to continue his inquiries and to inform him as soon as he found anything.

Chapter 542

When Minister Yamamoto Gonbei instructed his son-in-law, Tsaibu Hayashi, to continue monitoring Kawahara and Togo, Kawahara was visiting Prime Minister Ito Sukeyuki at the Prime Minister's official residence. Although it was called the Prime Minister's official residence, it was actually far inferior to some people's private residences. After all, this residence was just the official residence of the Grand Minister of State, Sanjo Sanetomi, used in the early Meiji period. At that time, the Imperial Court had just taken over the property of the Shogunate and did not have enough money to build luxurious residences for officials. Even Emperor Meiji had to stay elsewhere because the Shogun's residence was burned down and there was no money to repair it.

However, despite the old facilities, Ito Sukeyuki wouldn't complain. Unlike Yamagata and Ito, who were already tired of the prime minister's position and therefore found the place cramped and old, Ito felt that living here made him feel truly on par with veterans like Yamagata and Ito. Otherwise, he always felt inferior to them. Although the house was dilapidated, he saw it as full of profound historical weight, which was, in fact, the weight of power.

However, the recent changes in the domestic and international situation inexplicably reminded him of a saying by Sima Xiangru: "Though Liangyuan is beautiful, it is not a place to linger." The drastic changes in domestic and foreign affairs had consumed all his energy, so when Kawahara told him that Lin Xinyi had returned, he simply nodded wearily and said, "He's back, that's good. Tell him to relax now that he's back and not cause any more trouble. The situation in Tokyo is very complicated right now. If he causes any more trouble, I won't be able to clean it up for him. Keep a close eye on him for me, and don't let him suddenly disappear again. Bring him to see me again after this period is over."

Kawahara could understand Prime Minister Ito's frustration. If he hadn't spoken with Hayashi Nobuyoshi, he wouldn't have wanted to visit Ito, because he knew he couldn't solve Ito's predicament, and meeting with Ito too often might get him into trouble.

However, he came prepared today, so he picked up where Ito left off and said, "In fact, Nobuyoshi not only came back, but he also wrote an investigation report on this business trip and put forward some ideas on the future direction of the Navy."

Ito looked at Kawahara with some helplessness and said, "The future of the Navy is indeed very important, but now is not the time to consider the future of the Navy."

I think you should know that a few days ago, the Chinese side and we accepted the surrender document of the Russian army in Port Arthur. The soldiers of the army and navy were very dissatisfied with this and said that the government had betrayed the army.

Then the Republic Telegram Incident occurred in China, which greatly shocked His Majesty. He even criticized Okuma and Inukai, who had previously supported the Chinese revolutionaries. Fortunately, these were just private remarks; if they had been made public, they would have caused even greater chaos.

It is said that the Qing Empress Dowager passed away the night before last, and the Manchus no longer have a powerful figure capable of uniting various forces and suppressing the Han heroes. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs told me that Yuan Shikai, the leader of the Beiyang Army, is probably preparing to abandon the Qing Dynasty. Our diplomats have also visited Kang Youwei, Liang Qichao, and Emperor Guangxu. However, apart from Kang Youwei requesting our military assistance, Emperor Guangxu and Liang Qichao both declined the suggestion to move to Japan. It seems that there is a high possibility that Emperor Guangxu will voluntarily abdicate.

The political turmoil in China has seriously affected the end of this war. Under the current circumstances, no one in China would be willing to take on the responsibility of signing a peace agreement that is unfavorable to themselves. However, Britain and France are pressuring us to reach a peace agreement with Russia as soon as possible in order to avoid a revolution in Russia.

The problem now is that His Majesty and the elders believe that Japan should not confront Britain and France to avoid the situation of Russia being isolated by the international community. However, on the issue of the Chinese revolution, His Majesty and the elders disagree. His Majesty believes that China's monarchical system should be preserved as much as possible to prevent Japan from being impacted by republican ideas, and at the very least, the life of Emperor Guangxu should be saved.

Yamagata intended to take advantage of the internal turmoil in China to cooperate with the Beiyang Army, using force to help them control the area north of the Yellow River, thereby preserving the Qing Dynasty's rule in the north and creating a situation of north-south confrontation in China. Manchuria would then become a reward paid by the Qing Dynasty to Japan.

Ito and Inoue opposed intervening in China's civil war. They believed that Japan had almost exhausted its accumulated wealth in the war, and if it intervened in China's civil war at this time, Japan would collapse due to economic ruin before China fell, or become a slave to Britain and the United States because of the large amount of loans it had taken out. Neither of these paths would be good for Japan.

Therefore, His Majesty and the elders ultimately believed that the government should make a decision on how to end the war after comprehensive consideration, but the government should make a decision as soon as possible and should not delay without a clear objective.

"Look, all the pressure is on the government, and that pressure is on me. How can I possibly have the energy to think about the future of the navy? Whatever decisions I make now, I'll be criticized by the public and bear the dissatisfaction of the troops on the front lines. It's truly exhausting."

Kawahara nodded in agreement, but soon said, "The reason I brought this investigation report to visit you tonight is not only because it concerns the future of the Navy. In fact, the future of the Navy includes your future. You are now the flag of the Navy. If the Navy wants a bright future, then we cannot let your flag fall. Therefore, resolving your current predicament is also part of the Navy's future path."

These words immediately caught Ito's attention. He sat up straight from the sofa and looked at Kawahara, asking, "What do you mean?"

Kawahara replied sincerely, "Nobuyoshi believes that the peace agreement between Japan, Russia and China should indeed be signed as soon as possible, but it should not be signed by you. You should step down and let the army sign it."

Ito's heart sank. He had thought he would hear some brilliant plan, but it turned out to be just wishful thinking. He couldn't help but sigh and say, "Retire while you're ahead. Do you think I don't want to? Now I want to retire, but His Majesty and the elders won't allow it, and the army certainly won't take over this mess. The idea is good, but it's impossible to implement."

Kawahara carefully chose his words and explained, "If the army launches a public opinion campaign to overthrow the cabinet, and you resign in the process, then the army will have no choice but to take over as the next prime minister."

"Is that even possible? Why would the army want to throw a fuss over their own head?" Ito blurted out instinctively, unable to hold back his true thoughts.

Kawahara thought for a moment and said, "It would be better to have Nobuyoshi explain the detailed plan to you personally. I think you will be able to tell whether the plan is feasible."

After thinking for a moment, Ito said, "Meeting anywhere else is inappropriate. Tomorrow at noon, take him to the Saigo family's residence. I'll go visit Lord Saigo and have a word with him..."

Arriving at Saigo Yasugō's residence once again, Hayashi Shinji couldn't help but feel a little sentimental. Although he had only been there once or twice, he felt a sense of familiarity with the place because of Saigo Takamichi.

The Shibuya Ward, where Daikanyama is located, is a famous and prosperous area in later generations, but in the Edo period, it was actually a tea plantation in the suburbs outside the city. Until the early Meiji period, there were still many tea gardens here, but now they have all been bought by the wealthy and powerful and built into private gardens. Like the Akasaka area to the north, it is a residential area for the upper class.

Tokyo during the Edo period was actually divided into three areas. The most central area was the location of the Shogunate, which was separated from the outside by a wide and deep inner moat. There was also an outer moat on the outer edge of Edo city. The land between the inner and outer moats was Edo city, which was mainly inhabited by samurai and their relatives. Outside the outer moat were villages with streets, which were called castle towns and inhabited by local farmers, merchants from other places, and craftsmen.

Since the original Edo Castle was built on the coast, the eastern side of the Shogun's Castle was actually flat land facing the sea. The flat land between the inner and outer moats was almost uninhabited and was mainly used as a training ground for troops to gather and defend against naval attacks. The city of Edo was initially clustered in the hills to the west and north of the castle, which was called the Yamanote area by the Edo people.

The Edo culture beloved by Tokyoites was essentially a commoner culture that developed in the Shitamachi (low-lying area). Therefore, in the early Meiji period, it was almost an unspoken social rule that the powerful and wealthy lived in Yamanote in the west, while commoners lived in the Shitamachi in the east. Even large zaibatsu like Mitsui and Mitsubishi could only build residences near Nihonbashi before the mid-Meiji period, while the aristocrats and newly wealthy families from the southwest who moved to Tokyo with the Emperor placed their private residences in the less accessible hills to the west.

Therefore, although Tokyo's population is approaching 200 million, making it a truly large city, the courtyards where Tokyo's wealthy and powerful reside are quite spacious. Not only are there plenty of green spaces inside the courtyards, but there are also many natural landscapes outside. You can't see the cramped feeling in Beijing, where almost all the artificial gardens are used to make up for the lack of natural landscapes.

Of course, this beautiful scenery and sense of spaciousness only existed in the homes of the upper class. The working-class areas, which were clustered on the flatlands between the mountains in the Shitamachi and Yamanote districts, were still densely packed with row houses. Apart from the shops facing the street, which were relatively decent, the enclosed back alleys were full of dilapidated houses and foul-smelling garbage. These row houses, built with wooden planks and thatch, had no advantages other than being cheap to build and well-ventilated. Due to the topography of Tokyo Bay, there were strong westerly and northerly winds all year round. Therefore, once a fire broke out in the Shitamachi district, it could burn down half of the city, to the point that fires became a famous feature of Edo.

Saigo Tsugumichi's garden was actually quite simple among the Meiji nouveau riche, but it was still something that ordinary people could only dream of in their lifetime. Thinking of the neighborhoods in Tokyo's downtown area that lacked even running water and paved roads, Hayashi Shinji felt that the polarization between the rich and poor created by the Meiji Restoration was indeed nearing its end. No wonder Yamagata was so wary of socialist ideology, because right under his nose, in the political center of Japan, lay a volcano churning with lava.

Saigo Tsunetoku was actually very low-key. After Saigo Tsunemichi's death, he basically had no contact with the Navy. After all, he had long since joined the Army. Even though he followed the path of an administrative bureaucrat, there was still a barrier between him and the Navy. In this respect, he could not compare with his father. Although Saigo Tsunemichi served in the Army, his control over the Satsuma faction was very real. After all, he had participated in the entire overthrow of the Tokugawa shogunate with his brother.

Therefore, after Saigo Tsugumichi's death, Saigo Tsugunori, who inherited the title, quietly fulfilled the duties expected of a member of the nobility and did not participate in the power struggles of the Satsuma clique. Of course, as the head of the Saigo family, he could not completely sever ties with the Satsuma clique, so when Prime Minister Ito wanted to borrow his place to talk to someone, he could only silently lend it out without inquiring about the reason.

Therefore, when Lin Xinyi arrived at the Xixiang family's study, the servants had already been cleared out, and the Xixiang family members had all moved away, allowing him to enjoy a quiet and private time. It was then that he had this reflection on the gap between the rich and the poor.

However, this brief tranquility was quickly broken by the arrival of Prime Minister Ito. Ito Sukeyuki was probably really driven to desperation by the current situation. Before he could even sit down properly after entering the study, he impatiently called out to Hayashi Shin-yi, "So you've finally decided to come back, kid. Tell me, if you don't say something that satisfies me, I'll send you fishing on an outlying island. Otherwise, if someone comes after you after I step down, I won't be able to protect you."

Lin Xinyi smiled and bowed to Elder Ito before sitting down again and replying, "Your Excellency, would you like me to start from the beginning, or would you prefer me to keep it brief?"

After a moment's hesitation, Ito said, "Let's get to the point first."

Lin Xinyi then said briefly, "If you ask me, the most difficult thing for you right now is not how to withdraw, but how to ensure the navy's comeback."

Ito then asked, "What do you mean by that?"

Lin Xinyi said, "The outcomes of stepping down in disgrace and being forced to resign due to backstabbing by villains are obviously different. If you step down in the former way, even if His Majesty and the elders know that you have been wronged, you will never be able to return to the center of politics. But if you step down in the latter way, as long as the people realize the truth, they will support you again, so even if you are no longer the prime minister, you will still be able to maintain your political influence."

A politically influential naval veteran ensured that the navy would continue to have the power to form a government, rather than being a fleeting figurehead. Yamagata's exceptional position stemmed from the fact that he formed a government more than once. The principle of land-based leadership and naval subordination was formed precisely through Yamagata's continuous formation of governments. If the navy is unable to guide the direction of the government, then it can only follow the path laid out for the country by the army.

Therefore, how you gracefully take your final bow is not merely a personal matter, but also a crucial issue concerning the future of the Navy. Thus, your future and the future of the Navy are truly intertwined; the entire Navy must face this fact squarely and cannot remain a bystander.

Ito Sukeyuki's gaze softened considerably as he looked at Hayashi Nobuyoshi. The naval high command knew he was about to take the blame for the entire government, and while there was some private sympathy and complaints, no one dared defy the consensus reached by the Emperor and the elder statesmen, or speak out against his fate. Hayashi Nobuyoshi's direct expression of support and his insightful commentary on why he shouldn't take the blame naturally pleased Ito.

However, in front of Kawara, Togo Masamichi did not appear in the Japanese-style room. Ito coughed lightly a few times and said, "You can't say that. As the head of the government, I still have to shoulder some responsibilities. Japan really can't continue fighting, and I can't ignore the overall situation."

Lin Xinyi pursed his lips and continued, "Of course, it is the Prime Minister's responsibility to consider the overall situation, but what exactly is the overall situation for Japan? Simply signing the armistice agreement and accepting the criticism of the people, what kind of overall situation is that? I believe that only by signing the armistice agreement for the future of Japan can we truly consider the overall situation."

So where is Japan headed? After you step down, who can lead Japan forward? Do the Emperor and the elder statesmen really have the answer? If they don't, then this grand strategy doesn't exist; it's just a matter of finding someone to act as a scapegoat and an outlet for public discontent. Therefore, if you want to shoulder the responsibilities of prime minister, you must at least figure out what responsibilities you should bear, instead of being used as a sacrificial offering by the elder statesmen…”

Ito Sukeyuki became much more serious and asked, "So, what kind of future do you think is truly the big picture?"

After thinking for a while, Lin Xinyi said, "This is a long story, and I hope to start from the beginning. This is also the reason why I wrote the investigation report - how civilization and culture influence each other."

Ito Sukeyuki abandoned his initial eagerness to resolve the issue quickly. He nodded to Hayashi Shin-yi and said, "In that case, take your time. No one should bother us this afternoon..."

Chapter 543

"...As can be seen from the above examples, the Tibetan Plateau is actually an isolated island in terms of terrain. Therefore, under the protection of the Himalayas and the Hengduan Mountains in southwestern China, a large number of native tribes have been preserved in this region. The rule of the Dalai Lama and the Panchen Lama only extended to the Lhasa River Valley and the Shigatse Basin. Even Tibetans could hardly enter the more remote mountainous areas, and they regarded the tribes living there as barbarians."

After conducting land-based research from Sichuan to Tibet and then to the Indian subcontinent, I believe that civilization should be defined as the various practices that human societies engage in to maintain their own survival, while culture is the shared social consciousness that aims to perpetuate and expand one's own civilization.

Therefore, in order to survive, the earliest human societies inevitably developed hunting and gathering civilizations, and the corresponding cultures were tribal cultures. Outside the tribe, there were prey and enemies. Because this primitive civilization had almost no surplus food reserves, it naturally had no awareness of exchange.

However, with the emergence of agricultural civilization and the accumulation of food, tribes needed to exchange goods, thus giving rise to commercial civilization. The cultures that accompanied agricultural and commercial civilizations were private ownership and a hierarchical system.

The expansion of commercial civilization spurred the development of handicrafts, ultimately giving rise to industrial civilization, which in turn gave birth to nationalist and statist cultures. Thus, it is evident that civilizations are not inherently superior or inferior; all civilizations are practical activities arising from the self-preservation of human society. In the face of survival, there is neither nobility nor baseness, neither good nor evil.

However, culture is born from civilization. When civilization begins to transform, and culture fails to innovate, it becomes a stumbling block to civilization. Therefore, cultures can be distinguished as advanced or backward. Consequently, European culture inevitably views African, American, and Asian cultures from a superior perspective, while mainland China similarly views the cultures of remote regions like Tibet as barbaric and ignorant. This denial of other cultures is essentially based on whether they conform to the needs of one's own civilization, rather than a fair judgment based on some abstract concept.

While this kind of moral judgment may seem ridiculous from an anthropological perspective—just as people in mainland China ridicule Tibetan culture, Europeans also ridicule Chinese culture—they are simply at different stages of productivity in human society. This does not mean that their culture is truly superior. As productivity further develops, then European culture today will also seem ridiculous.

Conversely, when human societies seek to improve their productivity and enter a new form of civilization, they must inevitably transform their own culture to conform to this new civilization. This explains why, although China and Japan studied European civilization almost simultaneously, China failed while Japan succeeded. The Meiji Restoration's transformation of old Japanese culture was far more thorough than my country's Self-Strengthening Movement. The Chinese attempt to use agricultural-era culture to manage industrial civilization ultimately proved unfeasible…

Ito and Kawahara, sitting to the side, found it very interesting. This comparison of Eastern and Western civilizations and cultures from this perspective was something they had never thought of before. It was much more refreshing than the arguments made by Ito and others that the constitution represented advanced European civilization and that as long as a constitution was established, Japan could become an advanced civilized country.

The two simply couldn't understand how Lin Xinyi's explanation of the interrelationships between civilizations and cultures, and how it connected the future of the navy and the future of Japan.

However, their doubts were quickly resolved, and Lin Xinyi finally came to the conclusion: "...the army is a product of agricultural civilization, but the modern navy is a product of industrial civilization. Before the steam engine, the so-called navy was just an army fighting on ships."

Therefore, navies are inherently suited to the needs of industrial civilization, which is why industrialized nations in Europe and America all possess powerful navies. However, armies require complete transformation to adapt to industrial civilization. This is why Eastern armies struggle to compete with Western armies, as armies created by agricultural civilizations cannot contend with armies armed by industrial civilizations.

Therefore, we can draw a relatively clear conclusion: what Japan needs is not a policy of prioritizing the sea over the land, but a more thorough transformation of its culture to adapt to the needs of industrial civilization. So who can lead Japan in this transformation? The army? The nobility? The zaibatsu? No, they all retain, to varying degrees, the traditions of an agrarian civilization. Only the navy is a completely new product of industrial civilization. Therefore, what Japan needs is a new shogunate—a shogunate led by the navy. This is Japan's bright future, and the future the navy strives for.

Kawahara paled slightly. This was the first time he had heard of the Naval Shogunate. It turned out that Hayashi Shin'ichi had been holding back in their conversation yesterday. This was truly... well, he really couldn't make such a decision. The Naval Shogunate would offend both the army and the civilian government. Even the Emperor couldn't tolerate that.

Kawahara subconsciously glanced at Ito's expression, only to find that the other man didn't seem surprised, just somewhat conflicted. Ito Sukeyuki remained silent for a long time before finally sighing, "You're just adding fuel to the fire. Do you think the army can accept a naval shogunate?"

Lin Xinyi calmly said, "This is why I believe your future and the future of the navy are intertwined. If we cannot defeat the army, the navy will have no future, and Japan's future will also cease to exist. I believe this is the biggest strategic issue for Japan at present. We don't need the army to accept it; we just need to render the army powerless to resist this outcome."

While Ito was still deep in thought, Kawahara couldn't wait to ask, "Make the army powerless to resist? How can that be done? In any case, the army is stronger than us now, isn't it?"

Lin Xinyi glanced at Ito's expression before speaking: "Yes, the army is indeed stronger than the navy at present. Even if we achieve a great victory in the naval battle against Russia, it will not shake the army, which has deep roots in the local areas."

The cost of building a capital ship is roughly equivalent to arming an army division. A capital ship can carry less than a thousand crew members, which is equivalent to an infantry battalion of an army division. A division has at least 12 infantry battalions. This means that with the same military budget, the army can support at least 15 to 20 times more people than the navy.

Human beings are the sum total of all social relations, so the larger the army, the more profound its influence on the country. Comparatively, the army prefers simple-minded rural soldiers, while the navy requires at least a primary school education. Urban soldiers are actually more suitable for the navy, because the navy needs experts in operating machinery.

The two sides also have different tolerances for casualties. An army that loses a division can rebuild it within three months, but a navy that loses a capital ship cannot be replaced for three years. Therefore, for an industrialized nation, it is logical for the navy to be larger in peacetime and the army smaller in peacetime.

However, due to the policy of prioritizing land over sea, we can only maintain equal military spending between the army and navy. As a result, the army gains a larger scale and greater social influence with the same amount of military spending. Obviously, one navy family member cannot compete with the social influence of fifteen army families.

Therefore, to dismantle the army's power, the first step is to limit armaments, compressing the army and navy to a smaller scale so that the army cannot expand public support through army families; the second is to promote industrialization and urbanization, expanding the qualified pool of naval personnel and establishing channels for military-civilian conversion between the navy and civilian sectors, preserving naval power within the civilian population so that naval strength can be rapidly enhanced when needed; the third is to transform the large family culture of rural Japan into smaller families that conform to industrial civilization, thus preventing the army from controlling rural areas through these extended families. Meanwhile, we can use the promotion of democratic ideas to warn urban citizens against the army's authoritarianism.

Kawahara couldn't help but interrupt, "Restricting military equipment? Wouldn't that cause losses for us as well?"

Lin Xinyi nodded at him and said, "Yes, limiting military equipment is to limit the power of the military, and the navy will certainly suffer losses as well. But the losses of the navy can be compensated for by the establishment of the shogunate. If we control the direction of Japan's development, will the size of the navy still be a problem?"

Ito Sukeyuki finally spoke up and asked, "How do we establish a shogunate?"

Lin Xinyi said confidently, "Actually, establishing a shogunate is not difficult. Tokugawa Ieyasu has already set a successful example for us. We can also learn from the development of the British Empire. In short, it is about developing the central government and weakening the local governments."

After pausing for a few seconds, seeing that Ito and Kawahara were both watching him and waiting for him to continue, Lin Xinyi continued: "The reason why the British Empire was able to establish a system in which the navy leads the country, while France could not, is partly because Britain is an island nation and the navy is a necessity for national security; on the other hand, it is because the British yeoman farmers were eliminated by the bourgeoisie and the new aristocracy, while the French yeoman farmers were protected by the Napoleonic Code."

Therefore, the key lies in eliminating the small-scale peasant economy dominated by self-cultivating farmers. And the most effective way to eliminate this is by developing industrial cities. If the navy wants to guide the nation's direction, it must control these industrial cities.

London's population is said to be as high as 650 million, while the total population of the British Isles is just over 4000 million. The total population of the Japanese archipelago is about 4400 million, but Tokyo's population is less than 200 million. If Tokyo's population could be increased three to four times its current size, and coupled with corresponding industrial facilities, then as long as we control the Tokyo area, we would have the power to suppress the local areas. The struggle for control of Japan would ultimately become a struggle for control of Tokyo.

Therefore, the navy should take the lead in the construction of infrastructure and economic development in the Greater Tokyo Area. By controlling the industry, economy, and politics of Greater Tokyo, it could control Japan's politics and economy, thereby leading Japan forward. To achieve this, it's not enough to simply have uniformed soldiers who only know how to fight; we need to cultivate soldiers who don't wear uniforms and understand how the economy works. Ultimately, we need to win over politicians to safeguard Japan's development. Thus, the naval shogunate was completed.

Kawahara had already heard about some of this part yesterday, which was why he was persuaded by Hayashi Shin-yi. He wasn't sure what the future of the navy would be if they followed this path, but he was certain of one thing: if he got the navy's support and implemented this path, he would undoubtedly become the next prime minister.

Of course, he hadn't expected Lin Xinyi to be so much bolder than he thought. He even had an ideal of a naval shogunate on top of the future direction of the navy. However, after adding this point, the whole plan looked more complete. The parts that he felt were a bit incongruous yesterday had now disappeared.

However, this path left absolutely no room for the army, or rather, it was filled with malice towards the army; it was a naval development path aimed at a complete break between the army and the navy. Kawahara couldn't help but look at Ito, wanting to know how this naval veteran viewed the ideology of the naval shogunate.

Ito was indeed quite hesitant. He didn't really want to engage in a life-or-death struggle with the army. Although there were many conflicts between the army and navy, these conflicts were largely inherited from the long-standing feud between the Satsuma and Choshu clans. This was not only due to the conflict between the two clans left over from the Edo period, but also because the Satsuma clan sided with the shogunate in suppressing the Choshu clan in the early stages of the Meiji Restoration. Similarly, the Satsuma clan resented the Choshu clan for overshadowing them, because the credit for the overthrow of the shogunate went to Satsuma, not Choshu. However, after the Meiji Restoration began, the Satsuma clan was the first to be suppressed by the rising stars of the Choshu clan.

The real conflicts between the Army and Navy were actually less significant than those between the military and the government, and between the Democratic Party. This is why Yamagata did not object when Saigo Tsugumichi recommended Ito to become a naval elder statesman; Yamagata still wanted to maintain unity between the Army and Navy. The military's real adversaries were the Democratic Party and the government, who were constantly trying to reduce military spending.

However, this Far East war shattered the tacit understanding maintained between the army and navy. The idea that the army and navy could share military expenses equally had been proven unfeasible in this war. Given Japan's national strength, the army and navy could only focus on one side. The attempt to achieve a dual strength of land and sea resulted in the navy being able to only defend the coastal waters, while the army could not defeat a true land power on its own. Without relying on a decisive battle, the Japanese navy could not actually have achieved such a respectable victory.

Although the war is not yet completely over, both the army and navy have realized their shortcomings. The high command on both sides understands that trying to demand increased military spending from the government is already difficult, as peacetime military expenditures already account for 30% of government revenue; further increases would make the country unsustainable. Therefore, one side must make concessions to guarantee the other's military spending.

Lin Xinyi merely tore down the veil of secrecy surrounding the navy; even without him, other naval commanders would have raised the issue, though they wouldn't have been as direct or offered such a comprehensive solution. If Ito weren't in this predicament, he would have likely delayed, passing the problem to a more astute successor. Not letting a bomb explode in one's hands is a golden rule for officials.

But now, after thinking for a long time, Ito Sukeyuki felt that if the explosion of this bomb could cover his safe retreat, then it wasn't impossible to detonate it. So he asked, "What you just talked about were methods to weaken the army in the future, so what about the current methods?"

Lin Xinyi naturally understood what Ito was asking. He glanced casually at Chief of Staff Kawahara beside him, thought for a moment, and then frankly said, "After the Satsuma Rebellion, Yamagata, an elder, integrated the Choshu faction and the army's internal systems. The army is now practically Yamagata's army. He is too powerful, so much so that Katsura Taro, the core of the second generation of the Choshu faction, has become Yamagata's alter ego. His words and actions have never contradicted Yamagata's. From this, we can see that there is no one left in the second generation of the Choshu faction. If Katsura Taro falls, the Choshu faction will fall into chaos because of the successor issue."

Therefore, our current opponent is not Yamagata or Oyama, the soul of the army, but Katsura Taro, who follows the rules. As long as Katsura Taro falls, the Choshu faction will not be able to smoothly take over from the old to the new, and a new force will emerge within the army. This is our opportunity to divide and disintegrate the army.

"The best way to bring down Katsura Taro is to have him succeed as Prime Minister and sign the Far East Peace Agreement in your place. This agreement will surely ruin his reputation, making it difficult for him to gain the support of the army, and we won't need to exert too much effort."

Ito's eyes finally lit up, and he pressed on again, "Then how do we get Katsura Taro to take over as prime minister?"

Lin Xinyi said, "Katsura Taro lacks adaptability and will only follow the direction Yamagata points out. Yamagata is most afraid of two things: reducing military equipment and the idea of ​​freedom and civil rights. We just need to find a newspaper to interview Katsura Taro and design a question-and-answer session on these two issues. Katsura Taro will definitely oppose it."

Afterwards, the newspapers will not publish the interview with Katsura Taro. Your Excellency requests to convene a meeting of the Imperial Elders and senior retainers, under the pretext of ending the war and appeasing the people, in exchange for reducing military equipment and easing the suppression of public opinion, to gain the people's acceptance of the signing of the peace agreement. Yamagata may oppose it, but Ito and other elders will definitely agree. As long as Your Excellency obtains support at the meeting of elders, you will publicly announce your position to the public in the name of the government.

If an interview with Taro Katsura were published at this point, his criticisms of military reduction and the ideals of freedom and civil rights would be mistakenly interpreted as criticisms of the government and of Your Excellency. If such criticism were to cause social unrest, Your Excellency could then, citing betrayal by the army, resign as Prime Minister to the Emperor…”

Chapter 544

Ito Sukeyuki's expression finally changed. He hadn't expected it to be so easy to get off the galloping mad horse. Indeed, if they really intended to break ties with the army, the navy would have come up with such a scheme sooner or later. However, there were only one and a half people in the navy with that kind of courage today: Hayashi Shin'ichi and Yamamoto Gonnohyōe. He himself couldn't even be counted among them.