Twentieth Century Chronicle

Page 106

In this respect, Japan and Russia are far behind in terms of technological and industrial foundations. This is because Japan is essentially still thinking like an agricultural country and has not truly understood what industrial thinking is. Therefore, they cannot come up with any new applications for new things.

However, the naval symposium did discuss radio communications. Although Lin Xinyi did not propose any concept of radio protection, he did put forward two views on the use of radio in order to ensure that the whereabouts of the Russian European Fleet could be monitored in a timely manner.

The first concept was regional surveillance, which involved establishing fixed radio stations on islands in the South Pacific and then contacting spy ships moving at sea to ensure that every area was under the watchful eyes of the Japanese Navy. This way, even if a radio malfunctioned or a fishing boat encountered a problem, the tracking target would not be lost, since ships have a destination and cannot simply wander aimlessly at sea.

The second measure was the establishment of a radio communications office, which required all telecommunications intelligence to be collected there, processed and preliminarily analyzed before being submitted to the intelligence office. In short, this further professionalized intelligence work.

The surveillance of Russian warships in the Bohai and Yellow Seas was a simplified version of the surveillance plan used in the South China Seas. However, the staff officers of the Combined Fleet found it to be very effective, as the movements of the Russian fleet were clearly visible to them. Staff officers such as Akiyama Saneyuki and Shimamura Hayao believed that the Russian squadron would definitely pass through the Laotieshan Channel on the evening of the 14th; otherwise, they would not have anchored near the Laotieshan Channel.

Having learned about the movements of the Russian fleet, the next step was simply to devise an ambush plan and rely on luck during the operation. This effectively solved at least half of the workload for the Joint Fleet staff, as guessing the movements of the Russian fleet was the most difficult step. The more hypothetical directions there were, the more plans needed to be devised.

At 8 p.m. on the 14th, Shimamura and Akiyama reported the new operational plan to Commander Togo. When the two came out of Togo's room and stood on the bridge to get some fresh air, Shimamura and Akiyama talked about a certain person. "It's the first time that a plan has been formulated so quickly in response to the movements of the Russian fleet. That guy really shouldn't have gone to India. If he were here, he might be able to play a greater role."

After thinking for a moment, Akiyama Saneyuki said, "I think he probably didn't like being a staff officer, which is why he went to India. He and my teacher are the same kind of people; they don't like being led. They feel that they should be the leaders. The stage of the Combined Fleet is too small for him."

Shimamura looked at Akiyama with surprise. Apart from his older brother Akiyama Yoshifuru and his teacher Mahan, this was the first time he had seen Akiyama so highly regard another Japanese person. He could feel that this was a genuine feeling from the bottom of his heart, rather than a senior praising a junior. This made him feel that he had underestimated that junior naval officer.

After a few seconds of silence, he said, "He has indeed achieved good results in India, but to say that the stage of the Combined Fleet is too small for him is an exaggeration. There is no Royal Navy on the Indian mainland."

Looking at the shimmering sea under the moonlight, Akiyama Saneyuki thought the scene was indeed beautiful. However, he calmly replied to Shimamura: "Many people in our country shout about Pan-Asianism or Greater East Asiaism, but in fact, when they look at Asian or East Asian issues, they only stand from Japan's perspective. When they put forward their opinions, they don't even care about Japan's position. They can only start from the position of the army or navy."

These people, in their pursuit of a Greater Asia or Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere, ultimately rely solely on the support of a small group of people around them. Their slogans are so grand, yet the power they can harness is so meager. So how can their ideals possibly be realized?

But he was different. I truly saw in him a vision that transcended Japan's, which allowed him to utilize the strength of the Chinese and Indians—a level I could never reach. If he were to command this great war against Russia, we wouldn't be so wary of the Chinese and Koreans. Russia is Japan's enemy, but in the eyes of the Chinese and Koreans, isn't Japan just another Russia?

Shimamura Hayao immediately realized that the naval seminar led by a certain person had a completely different political strategy for East Asia than the current political strategy of Japan. This person advocated a trilateral alliance between Japan, China, and Korea to expel Russian influence from the Far East. Japan supported China's development towards Central Asia in exchange for China's support for Japan's development in the South China Sea and the Pacific Ocean. Southeast Asia should join an Asian alliance led by Japan and China after independence, so as to confront the European powers.

The basis of this strategy was that Japan must first abandon its ambitions regarding the Korean Peninsula, thereby establishing a foundation of mutual trust for the Japan-China alliance, in which the Korean Peninsula would exist as a buffer zone. This effectively overturned Yamagata Aritomo's strategy of defining the empire's lifeline and interests, and was also the first feasible strategy for the navy.

Neither Yamamoto Gonnohyōe nor Ito Sukeyuki proposed such a comprehensive political strategy to counter Yamagata Aritomo's claim that the empire's lifeline and interests were paramount. It can be said that the naval symposium truly produced something remarkable, giving the navy a banner to compete with the army for leadership in the formulation of national policy. In the past, the navy always claimed to follow the British and establish a system of sea dominance and land subordination, but the navy could not provide a theoretical explanation for why it should do so, and could only use the fact that the British did it as a reason to sophistry.

In contrast, Yamagata Aritomo's imperial lifeline and interests fully demonstrated the importance of the army, with the navy merely serving as a safeguard for the smooth implementation of the army's continental policy. Therefore, the army was generous in allocating resources to the navy, as it needed to prevent the navies of the great powers from hindering the army's advance on the continent. However, the army was unwilling to grant the navy any leadership, because regarding the continental policy objective, the navy only needed to obey the army's orders.

However, the political strategy proposed by someone now fundamentally negates the necessity of strengthening Japan. To ensure the trilateral alliance between Japan, China, and Korea, weakening the Japanese army to gain the trust of China and Korea is a prerequisite. Therefore, this proposition made at the naval seminar immediately garnered the support of many naval officers, but it also angered some imperialist elements in the army and navy.

Minister Yamamoto Gonnohyōe lacked the courage to break with the army on this issue, and newly promoted veteran Ito Sukeyuki was also unwilling to take such a risk. As a result, the navy revised the concept proposed at the naval seminar, advocating the establishment of a Japan-China alliance while safeguarding the empire's interests on the continent, and promoting the construction of an Asian alliance.

In other words, in order to appease those who have vested interests, the navy hopes to retain the rights and interests it has already acquired on the mainland. For the sake of Japan's future, the navy is also trying to get China to support it. This is a Japanese-style compromise without any distinctive features, and naturally it is unlikely to arouse the interest of the Chinese. Its only function is to make the navy and the army engage in verbal battles.

Upon realizing this, Shimamura Hayao was speechless. If it were an ordinary person, they would have no choice but to obey such strong resistance, since an individual cannot resist the power of the system. But this guy simply left the navy and went to mingle with Chinese and Indians, no wonder Akiyama Saneyuki had to admit his inferiority.

Chapter 375 The Isolated St. Petersburg

On the evening of the 14th, luck was initially on the Russians' side. After 22 p.m., fog began to roll in the Laotieshan waterway area. For the Russian fleet, this was both a bad thing and a good thing. The bad thing was that it was more difficult for the ships to form a formation, but the good thing was that the Russian ships could pass through the waterway more covertly.

Stark set two objectives for his men. The first was to break through the obstacles and return to Port Arthur, and if possible, use the coastal fortifications and the remaining warships in the port to deliver a heavy blow to the Japanese fleet. If the first objective could not be achieved, then they would retreat separately and regroup at the easternmost cape of the Shandong Peninsula.

At 3:6 AM on June 15, Stark ordered the fleet to weigh anchor. An hour later, they arrived at the northwest side of the Laotieshan Channel. At 4:30 AM, they began to pass through the Laotieshan Channel. At this time, the sea was shrouded in thick fog. Even the sailors with the best eyesight could only see the nearby neighboring ships. The warships further away could not be seen clearly. However, the orange light of the Laotieshan Lighthouse could be faintly seen by the entire fleet, and thus it became a marker for the Russian ships to determine their own positions.

At 5:15 AM, the fast battleship HMS Victory led the way for the fleet, passing through the Laotieshan Channel and beginning to adjust its course eastward towards Port Arthur. Victory and its sister ship Peresvet were actually designed to counter German armored cruisers; they were originally part of the Baltic Fleet and were domestically built ships in Russia after incorporating French technology.

Following closely behind was the protected cruiser HMS Ascord, a 6,000-ton protected cruiser ordered from Germany and launched in 1902. However, at this very moment, the armored cruiser Asama caught the light of the Ascord. The Asama was one of the first nearly 10,000-ton cruisers of the Six-Six Fleet, commissioned in 1899, and was also considered a new ship.

Captain Yashiro Rokuro of the Asama launched an attack on the Ascold without hesitation, his main intention being to alert his allies that he had spotted the enemy. With the Asama firing its first shot, the Japanese warships scattered around began to converge on the source of the fire.

The darkness and thick fog caused both the Japanese and Russian fleets to lose their formation, and the battle almost reverted to the naval warfare of the early 17th century, with each Japanese and Russian ship fighting in pairs, and everyone had to be extremely close to distinguish friend from foe.

Frankly speaking, in this combat mode, Japanese ships were not stronger than Russian ships, because the Russian Pacific Fleet was also a well-trained force. Due to the rapid expansion of the Japanese fleet, the quality of its officers and soldiers was uneven. When they were lined up and exchanging fire, it was not noticeable, but in this kind of melee where ships fought one-on-one, the Japanese ships were mostly at a disadvantage.

However, Stark did not know how many Japanese warships surrounded him. He only heard that the gunfire seemed to be getting more and more intense, so he thought that he was being intercepted by the main force of the Japanese navy. Therefore, he decided to give up engaging the Japanese ships and forcefully charge into Port Arthur. But in reality, the combined fleet's strength was not fully concentrated here. If Stark persisted, the Japanese ships would have to retreat and regroup.

Stark's order to withdraw from the battlefield immediately caused chaos within his own ranks, as the poor visibility made it difficult to determine whether his side was retreating voluntarily or had been defeated. The Russian sailors, already tense due to Japan's entry into the war, completely lost their fighting spirit due to Stark's ill-timed order and began scrambling to escape the battlefield.

This was like a windfall for the Japanese ships, which had been fighting a bitter battle. Now they no longer had to worry about being shelled by the Russian ships; they only needed to pursue and win. The battlefield went from being evenly matched to being one-sided in an instant. The Russian ships fled in panic, while the Japanese ships relentlessly pursued them.

As dawn broke, both fleets finally left the foggy area, and visibility improved temporarily. At this point, the Japanese ships, as the pursuers, gained the upper hand.

The protected cruiser Diana was the first casualty. As a Russian-designed Parada-class cruiser, this warship was known for its numerous flaws. Moreover, due to Russia's industrial and technological limitations, the performance of this cruiser in all aspects was far inferior to that of the same class of cruisers that Russia purchased from overseas.

Under constant attacks from Japanese ships, the Diana's propulsion system soon ran into problems. The battleship Fuji, which caught up, demanded that the Diana surrender, but Captain Levine refused and launched a bombardment on the Fuji, which was eventually sunk.

The battleship Poltava was probably the biggest loss for the Russian Navy in this battle. As a Petropavlovsk-class battleship, Poltava was the mainstay of the Russian Pacific Fleet. Although its performance was inferior to that of Japanese capital ships due to its earlier launch (launched in 1894), it was by no means something that could be easily sunk by Japanese ships.

However, the Poltava was not so lucky. It struck a Japanese mine in the channel near Port Arthur. The explosion not only destroyed the bottom of the Poltava but also detonated the ammunition magazine at the bow, causing a massive explosion. As a result, witnessed by both the Japanese and the Russians, the giant ship broke in two and quickly sank to the bottom of the sea.

With the sinking of the Poltava, the Russian fleet lost all will to fight and accelerated away from the Japanese attacks, entering the protected area of ​​the coastal fortifications. At 6:25 a.m. on June 15, Togo ordered a ceasefire, lowered the battle flag, and the ships turned southwest, leaving the coastline.

The Third Fleet was ordered to sail directly towards Incheon, while the First and Second Fleets would first sail towards the tip of the Shandong Peninsula for several hours before slowing down and turning towards Incheon to avoid possible pursuit by Russian ships. At 2 PM, the main force of the Combined Fleet was concentrated on the Korean Peninsula, and the first phase of the Russo-Japanese naval battle was temporarily brought to a close.

Judging from the current situation, the Japanese Navy has almost achieved its first objective, namely, to control the Yellow Sea. Although it has not achieved its second objective, to completely destroy the Russian Pacific Fleet, it has gained the initiative in this war.

As for the Russian Pacific Fleet, in addition to losing one capital ship and two cruisers, two more cruisers were severely damaged, resulting in a significant loss of strength. In the short term, it was no longer able to compete with the Japanese Navy for control of the Yellow Sea.

Regarding this sudden war, apart from the Russians, other countries believed that Russia should be taught a lesson in the Far East. Therefore, for the power holders in Europe and America, this was not a sudden war.

Before the war, the Japanese themselves said that if a war broke out with Russia, Japan's economy would not last more than two years. This was because the development of the Tokyo metropolis brought strong momentum to Japan's economy. In 1903, Japan's finance minister estimated that if the Russo-Japanese War broke out and lasted for more than a year and six months, Japan's finances would go bankrupt.

Therefore, before the war, Japan consulted with Britain and the United States about the issue of borrowing money after the outbreak of war. It was only after receiving a positive response from the British government that the Japanese government continued to push forward the war against Russia.

Therefore, when Japan actually launched an attack on Russia, Britain immediately defended Japan in the media, arguing that Japan's actions could not be considered an undeclared war. Russia's reputation in Europe and America was indeed poor, especially due to the Kishnyeov massacre of 1903, which severely damaged its image.

Although anti-Semitism was prevalent throughout Europe, the anti-Semitism in Eastern and Western Europe was completely different. Western Europe believed that discrimination against Jews could not exceed the law. This was the root cause of the French people's support for Dreyfus's rehabilitation. Those French people who supported Dreyfus were not against anti-Semitism, but rather in defense of the Republic.

However, in Eastern Europe, anti-Semitism often superseded the law, and Jews were sometimes excluded from the law. This was also a means for Eastern European monarchs to appease the discontent of the lower classes, allowing them to vent their grievances through violence against Jews, thereby maintaining social order.

Therefore, although the Jewish people were discriminated against throughout Europe, the Russians' unrestrained atrocities against them still aroused contempt among Western Europeans, a clear indication of Russian barbarity. Thus, while Japan violated international law of war, Russia received far more schadenfreude and ridicule than sympathy from European public opinion.

For example, the German newspaper Neue Free Zeitung included news of the Japanese attack on Russia within the context of the 1877 Russo-Turkish War, emphasizing Russia's history of undeclared war on Turkey. Two professors from Oxford University in the UK reiterated that Japan's attack did not violate international law. Americans declared Japan a free and democratic system, and Professor Wolsey, an international law expert at Yale University, even publicly stated that it was inappropriate to label Japan's attack on Russian warships as treacherous and unfair.

Russia suddenly realized that it was becoming extremely isolated, especially after the French minister and the Chinese government signed a friendly trade agreement on June 17. The French government stated that it had no intention of intervening in the Far East disputes and was willing to maintain friendly relations with China. It also agreed to lend China 350 million francs to build infrastructure in northern China and announced that it would transfer all of the Boxer Indemnity to funds for Chinese students studying in France and would no longer demand the indemnity from China.

This was a devastating blow to St. Petersburg. Although Nicholas II knew that the French government had consistently opposed his adventurous policies in the Far East and maintained that Europe was the foundation of Franco-Russian cooperation, the French government had never publicly opposed the Russian government's decisions. Previously, during the Sino-Russian War, the French government had also told the Chinese government that while France maintained neutrality in the Far East, it hoped China would not forget the Franco-Russian alliance and that France's interests in the Far East were inviolable.

The French government's current stance is practically tantamount to a direct warning to St. Petersburg. A sense of unease has gripped St. Petersburg, with rumors circulating that Britain might seize the opportunity to attack. Since Britain can openly declare its intention to attack the German navy, it could certainly attack the Russian Baltic Fleet as well. In fact, the likelihood of Britain attacking the Baltic Fleet might be even higher, given that Russia's power is currently tied down in the Far East.

Chapter 376 New Changes

The French approach shocked not only the Russians but also the Germans, who were still considering whether to accept China's suggestion to support China in order to get China to declare war on France.

Frankly speaking, the Chinese suggestion did receive the support of the German Army. The Army hoped to resolve the historical issues with France once and for all. After all, compared to three years ago, the German Army's combat readiness work was more than half completed. If France really sent troops to the Far East, then declaring war on France was not impossible.

However, the navy did not want to ignite a war in Europe at this time, because the German navy realized that the design concept of a fully heavy gun battleship had indeed surpassed the previous capital ship design. This was not only due to the successful sea trials of the Hanoi, but more importantly, the British Dreadnought was also designed according to this concept. In other words, the direction of warship development proposed by the Japanese was correct.

Judging from the current sea trials, although the Japanese wanted to send the Kawachi back, the Germans kept it behind to collect more data and verify the shortcomings of the warship's design. The Germans found that the old capital ships were completely unable to engage in line-of-battle combat with the new battleships. This meant that the German Navy had an opportunity to surpass the British Navy, because once the new battleships reached a certain scale, they could easily destroy a fleet composed of old capital ships.

Therefore, the German Navy proposed a new shipbuilding plan and expanded the Kiel Canal to ensure that the canal could accommodate larger new warships. Thus, the navy believed that if a Franco-German war were launched now, and Britain joined the war against Germany, the German Navy would be utterly unable to withstand an attack from the Royal Navy.

The German Emperor himself was torn between attacking France and rebuilding the Holy Alliance. The Anglo-French agreement and the Franco-Russian alliance made him feel that the three countries were getting closer. Although Russia was embroiled in war in the Far East, the German Emperor did not believe that China could hold Russia back for long, since Russia's focus was still in Europe.

Therefore, the German Emperor attempted to dismantle the alliance between Britain, France, and Russia through diplomatic means, rather than directly attacking France to facilitate its actual formation. After all, even if Germany defeated France, it could not annex it, which meant that the hatred between Germany and France would only continue to accumulate rather than be eliminated. Germany's current development direction was the Middle East, and if it were pulled back to Europe by the French, it would mean that Germany's Eastern plans would be interrupted.

The Germans were too preoccupied with their own future and thus missed the opportunity presented by the Chinese. Although the Berlin Foreign Ministry believed that the problem lay with them, Dr. Paul Rohrbach, the German consul in Wuhan, still angrily confronted Tian Junyi and questioned him.

Tian Junyi calmly made the doctor a cup of tea before expressing his regret, saying, "We have been waiting for Berlin's reply for a long time, but Berlin has not given us a clear answer. Of course, we cannot stop the parliament's actions. The French have indeed shown goodwill towards our country this time, so what else can we do?"

Dr. Rohrbach frowned and lowered his voice slightly, saying, "Then you should at least have informed us beforehand. How could you make such a sudden turn of events?"

Tian Junyi looked at the doctor with some surprise and said, "We have been communicating with your side about this matter for a long time. We have been in communication with your country regarding the redemption of Zhengtai Road by France. Haven't you seen those announcements, Doctor?"

Dr. Rohrbach was speechless for a moment. The Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee had indeed sent the minutes of the talks with the French regarding the redemption of the Zhengtai Road to the consulate, but there was too much material, and much of the meeting content was nonsense. Because it was too much of a waste of manpower to translate, he was now almost too lazy to pay attention to the content of the talks.

Such a conversation naturally did not allow the doctor to save face, and in the end he could only accept the way out given by Tian Junyi and leave. However, for the Workers, Peasants and Soldiers Committee, this adventure was a great success. It not only pushed forward the loan process from Germany and the United States, but also opened up a new financing channel from the French.

This allowed some development projects in Henan, Shanxi, Sichuan, and Jiangxi to be launched, especially the construction of the Chongqing and Wugang bases, which could move forward by leaps and bounds. The Chengdu-Chongqing Railway has been built to Neijiang, and it is less than two-thirds of the way to Chengdu. However, the basin topography of Sichuan means that Sichuan lacks modern industrial sectors, which means that the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee lacks a real base in Sichuan.

Last year, the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee took advantage of the dry season of the Yangtze River to carry out waterway improvement from Yichang to Chongqing, further clearing more than 130 dangerous shoals and setting up multi-stage winches to replace the old manual boatmen. With the advent of steamships, the old manual boatmen were no longer able to handle these large vessels on the Yangtze River.

This winter's dredging of the Sichuan River waterway was the second large-scale operation following the foreign-led dredging, and it was much larger than the first, as the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee was able to mobilize more people. Although this greatly alleviated the shipping congestion into Sichuan, it was still insufficient for a province with a population of nearly 5000 million, especially considering that Sichuan was a gateway to Tibet, Guizhou, and Yunnan. Therefore, establishing an industrial base in Sichuan became a major objective of the Workers', Peasants', and Soldiers' Committee.

The main idea of ​​the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee for the economic development of Sichuan was to transform Chongqing into an industrial base similar to Wuhan, and then radiate its influence to the entire Sichuan Basin, ultimately bringing Sichuan under the true control of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee.

Besides strengthening local cohesion towards Wuhan through construction, dealing with this year's disaster also requires a large amount of funds and materials. Although the floods in Hunan have begun to recede, the Huai River basin and Xuzhou area experienced continuous rainfall in May and June, resulting in large-scale floods in Anhui and northern Jiangsu. This region is almost entirely densely populated, and the number of people affected is much larger than that in Hunan. According to current estimates, at least ten million people have been affected.

Under these circumstances, Wuhan has made preparations to enter the disaster area for disaster relief, so it is necessary to start preparing funds and materials. Among them, the demand for food is particularly important. The French-controlled French Indochina colony is famous for its rice industry. This reconciliation with the French is precisely to import large quantities of rice from French Indochina to alleviate the food shortage problem in the second half of this year.

Of course, the support of the Beiyang government was also an important factor in the fact that the National Assembly was able to reach an agreement with France so quickly this time. However, the Beiyang government supported Wuhan not only because it did not want to have a conflict with France, but also because it wanted to get a share of the loan. At first, Yuan Shikai did not have high hopes for a reply from the French, but Tang Shaoyi's report made him realize that Wuhan and the French seemed to have reached a private agreement, which actually allowed Wuhan to borrow money from France to redeem the Zhengtai Railway.

He immediately accepted Tang Shaoyi's suggestion to bring the loan under the name of the state, meaning he wanted to control it himself. A loan of 250 million francs with an annual interest rate of only 3.5%—imagine how much he could accomplish in his hands! The two sides argued about this several times, but ultimately reached a compromise, increasing the loan to 350 million francs. Of this, 100 million francs were given to the Beiyang government for the construction of the Beijing-Kulun railway, and the remainder remained under the control of Wuhan.

The French had no objections to this, only requesting that China and France issue a joint statement as soon as possible to establish peaceful and friendly relations between the two countries. For the French government, with this statement in place, even if Wuhan wanted to back out, it would be nothing more than the nonsense of a local Chinese government, which they could completely ignore.

Although the Sino-French Friendship and Trade Agreement did not remove France's privileges in China, it did allow France to recognize the legitimacy of reclaiming the French concession in Wuhan and canceling France's special interests, thus setting a precedent for China to reclaim the privileges of foreign powers in China.

Although Germany relinquished some privileges in Wuhan, it was a voluntary relinquishment by Germany, not a revocation by the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee. In other words, Germany still believed its interests in China were legitimate; it simply relinquished these rights to show goodwill towards China. If circumstances changed, Germany could certainly restore these privileges.

Regarding the special privileges France held in Wuhan, this was a revocation agreed upon by both sides. In other words, unless Wuhan agrees, France cannot reinstate these privileges, nor can it use them as a pretext to launch a war against Wuhan. Of course, France's adherence to this agreement essentially acknowledges that, in reality, it can no longer gain any advantage from waging war against Wuhan.

Furthermore, the Sino-French Friendship and Trade Agreement was the first foreign agreement to be passed by the National Assembly and then signed by Grand Councilors Zhang Zhidong and Yuan Shikai to become legally binding. The imperial court had virtually no say in this agreement. When the agreement was published, it was clear to everyone that the imperial court had been sidelined, and that the country was now effectively controlled by the Wuhan and Beiyang warlords.

Even prominent figures known for their integrity, such as Grand Councilor Qu Hongji and Governor-General of Guangdong and Guangxi Cen Chunxuan, remained silent in the face of the National Assembly's unauthorized passage of the Sino-French agreement without the court's permission. The Manchu nobles were even more terrified, with not a single one daring to accuse the bill of being signed by a group of treacherous officials.

The reason for this was twofold. First, the rout of the Beiyang First Division extinguished the last bit of pent-up anger among the Manchus. After this news spread, even the Manchus in the capital looked down on their own people. In teahouses on the streets and alleys, Manchus openly declared that the Qing Dynasty was doomed, and that it would be destroyed by these scoundrels of the imperial family.

Faced with such anti-government public opinion, the police in the capital dared not make arrests, because the first bill passed when the National Assembly convened was to guarantee freedom of speech. Although in the past these policemen only obeyed their superiors and the imperial court, now that the imperial court could not even protect itself, how could they dare to challenge the resolutions of the National Assembly, which had the support of Wuhan and the Beiyang government?

The more the court hesitated to arrest people, the more its reputation suffered. People felt the court was truly doomed; if it dared not even arrest people, it meant its demise was inevitable. With lower-ranking officials no longer willing to serve the court, the higher-ups naturally became even more cautious and self-protective. After all, this was the Manchu's land, not theirs. If even the Manchus dared to flee on the battlefield, why should they bother fighting against the powerful figures who held military power?

Secondly, on June 16th, the first batch of Russian prisoners entered through Deshengmen and proceeded to the Daqianmen train station to travel south or east. Nearly a thousand Russian prisoners were escorted across much of Beijing, attracting onlookers and once again highlighting the imbalance of power between the imperial court and local warlords. If this had angered Wuhan and led to a direct invasion of Beijing, the Manchu people might have truly been doomed.

Therefore, the National Assembly, originally intended to appease local governors and gentry, gradually transformed from a mere shell into a new center of power, showing signs of replacing the imperial court. This caused members of the National Assembly who had initially supported the imperial court to now side with the Beiyang government and the Wuhan government, preparing to welcome the new dynasty.

Chapter 377 The Surrender of the Russian Army

Since May 30, when Cai E's combined forces of the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army and the Yi Army surrounded the main force of the Russian Western Route Army in the area south of Dushikou and north of the Sanggan River, the more than five infantry regiments and 17 cavalry companies of the Russian army trapped in this area have been plunged into despair.

Even without considering the consumption of horses, the more than 2 Russian troops needed nearly 30 tons of supplies every day. After losing Dushikou as a rear transit point, the Russian army could only sustain its supplies for a maximum of 10 days. Therefore, after the initial breakout failed, they had no choice but to remain in place. Holding out could allow them to hold out for a few more days, but if they continued to break out, they would not even have enough supplies for defense.

General Starkelberg initially pinned his hopes on Major General Orlanovsky in Chengde, but bad news soon came back from Chengde: the Chinese still had troops attacking Chengde, and Major General Orlanovsky was unable to come to his rescue. Instead, he suggested that he should abandon his troops and flee back to Chengde. Although the main force could not travel along the mountain roads, the smaller troops could still reach Chengde by mountain roads.

After much deliberation, Starkelberg still couldn't make up his mind. He hoped that the governor could send troops to reinforce Chengde as soon as possible so that Major General Orlanovsky could send men to rescue him. In this way, at least a part of the army could be saved, and it wouldn't be considered that the army had been completely annihilated by the Chinese. If the army had been completely annihilated by the Chinese, even if he escaped back, he would not be able to avoid going to a military court.

The Russian army was hoping for a miracle, while Cai E began a large-scale reorganization of his troops. Although the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army had already carried out preliminary reorganization of the Yi Army before the war, Cai E and other Red Army generals found in the battle that the Yi Army's combat effectiveness fluctuated greatly.

When things were going well, the Yi Army performed no worse than the Red Army soldiers. However, when faced with enemy-held positions, the Yi Army either cowered and dared not advance, or the officers' command abilities were poor, forcing their soldiers to charge directly at the enemy's strong defenses. Therefore, after a preliminary ideological and organizational reorganization of the Yi Army, Cai E decided to conduct a military reorganization of the Yi Army during the war.

First, young and capable soldiers were selected to serve as junior officers, while a group of conservative junior officers in their forties and fifties were transferred to second-line units; second, the Yi Army, the Shanxi New Army, and the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army were reorganized.

The 13th Division was formed based on the Shanxi New Army and the Yi Army, stationed in Shanxi and Suiyuan, with Yao Hongfa as its commander; the 14th Division was formed based on the left flank of the Yi Army, with Chen Xiyi as its commander; and the 1st and 2nd Cavalry Divisions were formed based on the Yi Army's cavalry battalion, with Mi Zhenbiao and Zhao Ti as their commanders. In addition, there were 5 battalions as second-line troops, which accommodated those officers and soldiers who were unable to fight.

This reorganization took place after the Yi Army's offensive against the Russian army failed, leaving no room for opposition from the Yi Army's generals. Moreover, this reorganization was not about the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army annihilating the Yi Army, but rather about vigorously promoting junior and middle-ranking officers and courageous young soldiers within the Yi Army. In fact, it expanded the size of the Yi Army, since the Yi Army had no control over the Shanxi New Army before.

Therefore, although some disgraced senior officers of the Yi Army expressed dissatisfaction, such as Ni Sichong, who managed battalion affairs, the middle and lower-ranking officers supported the reorganization, as most of them had been promoted. In essence, this was a reorganization that forced the older generation of the Yi Army to relinquish their positions to the younger generation through external forces, similar to training troops at a small station. Naturally, the lower-ranking officers and soldiers would not follow the disgraced senior officers in causing trouble.

It wasn't just that Ma Yukun remained silent about the reorganization; it was also that the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army had now surrounded the main force of the Russian Western Route Army. At this point, rising up against the Red Army required immense courage, as they would not receive outside support; people would only perceive them as sabotaging the national war. Furthermore, the previous political and ideological education had given the Red Army a firm grasp on the psychology of the Yi Army soldiers, thus protecting their interests during the reorganization and depriving them of the motivation to oppose it.

The reorganization of the Yi Army by the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army gave the Russian Western Route Army some breathing room, but this could not change its ultimate fate, because Japan had entered the war. The Russian reinforcements that arrived in Chengde once again lost their momentum. The Japanese joining the war meant that Fengtian (Shenyang) could not provide them with any further support in the short term. If they continued to advance at this point, they might become the second force to be surrounded by the Chinese army.

Starting on June 14, the nearly reorganized Istiklal Army began attacking the connecting passages between various Russian units. This further exacerbated the panic of the Russian Western Route Army. Having lost contact with neighboring units, the Russian troops lost the will to hold on, as they were unsure whether they would receive reinforcements.

As a result, the Russian troops in the northeast abandoned their posts and withdrew privately towards Chengde, while the Russian troops in the western mountains began to raise white flags in organized units. Only two places remained calm for the Russian troops: the headquarters of the Russian Western Route Army in Chicheng County and the Russian troops located in the Huailai River Valley.

The Russian forces in the Huailai River Valley remained calm because they had nearly four infantry regiments stationed there. Due to the relatively flat terrain, the Chinese army couldn't easily break through the numerous defensive positions established by the Russians. However, these Russian troops lacked food, and starting on the 12th, they had to slaughter their horses in batches.

Cai E and other Red Army generals were unwilling to risk their troops to attack the Russian defensive positions at any cost. Although they advocated using the Russian defensive positions to practice siege warfare, they did not intend to risk their entire strength.

After all, Russia's national strength is far from exhausted. Russia has more than 100 million standing troops and more than 300 million reserves. However, their core forces are less than 10. If these 10 core troops are wiped out, they will not be able to organize subsequent resistance forces.

After familiarizing his troops with the tactics of siege warfare and gaining some experience and lessons, Cai E quickly released a group of wounded Russian soldiers, spread the news that the Japanese had joined the war, and issued an ultimatum to the Russian generals, demanding that they surrender as soon as possible. "...If they surrender, they may be treated leniently; if they resist stubbornly, our army will no longer show mercy."

While the Russian generals in the Huailai River Valley hesitated, the Russian Western Route Army headquarters in Chicheng County finally succumbed to the pressure and abandoned its main force on June 15th. Following the withdrawal of the Western Route Army headquarters in Chicheng County, Russian troops in various locations began to surrender en masse. On June 17th, after news of General Starklberg's encirclement reached the Russian troops in the Huailai River Valley, the surrounding Russian forces began to lay down their arms and surrender to the Chinese army.

On the morning of June 20, Cai E and Ma Yukun stood in front of a village north of the confluence of the Yanghe and Sanggan Rivers. Soon, a group of Russian cavalry, escorted by Red Army cavalry, appeared at the village entrance. After the Russians dismounted, a middle-aged Russian man walked unsteadily to the two men. His face was haggard and his eyes were bloodshot. After pausing for a moment in front of them, he handed over his military knife and said, "I, Major General She. A. Dobronlavov, on behalf of the besieged Russian army, request your surrender."

Ma Yukun stared at the Russian's saber for a few seconds, then took a small step back and nodded slightly to Cai E beside him. Cai E stepped forward, took the saber from the Russian, and solemnly replied, "I, Cai E, Military Commissioner of the Workers', Peasants' and Soldiers' Committee, accept your surrender..."

After exchanging a few words, the Russian general turned and left to return to his camp to handle the surrender formalities. Watching the Russian depart, Ma Yukun asked Cai E, who was standing nearby, "Now that the Japanese have joined the battle, what are your plans next?"

Cai E handed the Russian's sword to a guard beside him, and after a moment's thought, said to Ma Yukun, "We don't believe that the Japanese are joining the war now to help us drive out the Russians. If the Japanese had such goodwill, they wouldn't have made such harsh demands in the Treaty of Shimonoseki. Therefore, the Japanese chose to go to war with Russia for their own national interests."

We can use the Japanese to fight the Russians, but we can't expect the Japanese to drive the Russians out of Manchuria and then return it to us. Japan and Russia are vying for the right to carve up flesh from our territory. We must be hostile to the Russians, but we must also be wary of the Japanese. If we sing praises to the Japanese now, what if, after the Russians are driven out, the Japanese demand Manchuria's benefits from us? Then all our current joy will have been for nothing.

Ma Yukun didn't actually trust the Japanese, but psychologically he was more inclined to believe them. After all, the Japanese were also taught Confucianism, while the Russians were completely barbarians from another world. Seeing Cai E's clear-headedness, he abandoned his last thought and instead said to him, "I'm getting old, and my health isn't very good."

"The Russians have suffered such a heavy blow, and with the Japanese joining the war, I don't think they'll advance towards Zhangjiakou anytime soon. Didn't you say last time you wanted to move the second-line troops to Henan? I think I should lead them myself, so I can go back to the rear and recuperate."

Cai E readily agreed to Ma Yukun's request. It wasn't that he was afraid of Ma Yukun, but rather that he genuinely felt this veteran Qing general was no longer suited for the current battlefield. Forcing him to stay would only put him in a difficult position between the Yi Army veterans and the Red Army. The Yi Army veterans didn't dare to cause trouble for him, so they could only run to Ma Yukun every day, trying to get him to fight against the Workers' and Peasants' Red Army. Sending these people to the rear this time was also to make it easier to deal with them.

Since Ma Yukun had brought it up, he naturally wouldn't refuse. However, he still advised the other party, "Marshal Ma is old and virtuous, and his life's achievements are well-established. There's really no need for him to get involved with certain people's mess. Some people only care about their own interests and take the power to oppress the people for granted. This is something we absolutely cannot tolerate."

Ma Yukun remained silent for a while before speaking, "We've eaten with the same ladle for so many years, we can't just abandon them..."

Cai E smiled slightly and stopped trying to persuade him. The surrender of the Russian Western Route Army resulted in a sudden increase in Russian prisoners of war heading south through Juyong Pass. Food was already scarce in the border regions, and this year's drought in the Yandai area made it impossible to support so many prisoners, so they had to be relocated to Hebei and Henan.

The troops stationed at Juyong Pass were also Yi Army, but it was the 8 battalions of Yi Army led by Jiang Guiti. Although this army was pulled out of the Yi Army by the court, it did not become independent as the court had imagined. Instead, it simply aligned itself with the Beiyang Army, because Jiang Guiti did not expect to support these people with the court's military pay.

Compared to Ma Yukun's strictness, Jiang Guiti was known for his leniency in military discipline, but not in terms of kindness, but rather in leniency. His soldiers would harass civilians, but he wouldn't take it seriously, simply instructing the officers to keep them in check. As a result, military discipline was quite poor, yet unlike Ma Yukun's Yi Army, there weren't frequent desertions. The old Yi Army soldiers who had followed Ma Yukun envied their comrades in the 8th Battalion who were taken away by Jiang Guiti, because with Jiang Guiti, they didn't have to worry about being beheaded under military law.

However, this time Jiang Guiti's subordinates began to envy the Yi Army comrades who remained behind. These comrades, dressed in new military uniforms, escorted groups of Russian prisoners past them, which was indeed much more imposing than their blue cloth headscarves and uniforms.